http://www.sjcds.ir/ Scientific journal on culture of diplomacy studies en daily 1 Sun, 22 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sun, 22 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0330 http://www.sjcds.ir/article_218167.html War and violence means the willingness or planning of political leaders to be used as a tool to advance national or international goals. This phenomenon is usually associated with increased tensions in relations between countries and human rights violations. In fact, militancy can be seen as a crime against national and international security, because it not only hurts the interests of countries, but also threatens global peace and stability.This can be exacerbated when political leaders and their advisers are influenced by the theory of conspiracy to manage decision-making and policy-making, an example of which can be seen in the actions of Joseph Stalin in the former Soviet Union. The author believes that such a situation in contemporary times is also very valid, justifying the necessity and importance. Here we look at data analysis with an analytical descriptive look and the use of documentary and library methods.The question that comes to mind here is, how does the theory of the illusion of political conspiracy affect the military and belligerent decisions of political leaders? It seems: leaders who are more susceptible to conspiracy information are more likely to turn to bellicose actions. The delusion of conspiracy as a psychological defense mechanism can justify the aggressive actions of such leaders. So the purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between the illusion of conspiracy and the militancy of political leaders and to provide solutions to reduce the impact of this phenomenon on international decisions. By better understanding this relationship, steps can be taken to prevent unnecessary wars and strengthen World Peace. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_224017.html Economic diplomacy is one of the most important tools in the service of a country's foreign policy, which can lead to economic prosperity and increase the power and influence of a country in the global and regional arena. Examining the indicators of economic diplomacy including export, import, and foreign investment in the last decade indicates that the country's conditions in this field have fluctuated and sometimes declined. The continuation of this situation, while reducing Iran's regional power and influence, will reduce the trends leading to economic prosperity within the country; as a result, it is necessary to analyze the policymaking pathology of economic diplomacy in order to overcome the current situation. Accordingly, the fundamental question arises: what are the most important policy damages to Iran's economic diplomacy in the last decade? The provisional answer to this question is as follows: The lack of serious attention to the issue of lifting and neutralizing sanctions, the lack of a grand strategy based on interdependence with the global economy, especially with its neighbors, and the lack of a documented operational strategy based on the use of trade opportunities are the most important damages in the policymaking arena of Iran's economic diplomacy. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and it has been used to collect data and information from library and internet sources as well as official statistical sources in Iran and the world. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_226048.html Purpose: The accelerated developments since 2014 indicate a form of systemic entropy characterized by a state of increasing disorder. The unipolar order is experiencing unprecedented instability in its systemic equilibrium. Given Donald Trump's victory and certain international developments, it is anticipated that increasingly powerful shocks will impact the established order and system. Consequently, this research aims to provide a logical framework and strategy for Iran's foreign policy action within this context.Question: This research seeks to answer the question: Which theoretical logic can provide the most optimal foundation for formulating the foreign policy actions of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the heterogeneous and chaotic state of entropy in the contemporary international system?Method: This study employs a descriptive-analytical method and utilizes the theoretical framework of Neoclassical Realism.Finding: Despite significant structural limitations and constraints on its agency within the international system, the Islamic Republic of Iran possesses considerable potential for a more active presence in the realm of systemic equations. This potential stems from its geostrategic, geo-economic, and geopolitical characteristics. Realizing this potential necessitates a theoretical framework for comprehending the operational realities and mobilizing resources effectively to achieve it.Conclusion: Smart Realism – defined as the simultaneous combination of strengthening the domestic power structure and facilitating balancing actions with systemic-level powers – is proposed as the preferred strategy for Iran's foreign policy during the specified period. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_224018.html The "stick and carrot" policy means simultaneous use of the threat (stick) and encouragement (carrot) to manage the behavior of countries or groups. This approach is especially used in international policy and in relations with countries such as Iran. In this policy, the stick acts as a tool of punishment and the carrot as a tool of encouragement. In some cases, enemies try to deceive the target country by making incentive promises alongside threats.This is a costly policy for the national security of any country, which itself can be considered as a necessity and importance in preventing crimes against national security. With a descriptive and analytical look and a documented and library approach, it can be said that this approach usually involves economic or security proposals, which at the same time are accompanied by military or sanctions threats. These types of policies usually lead to distrust among countries and can disrupt the peace process. Also, creating a sense of despair and division in the target community can have negative effects on the internal stability of that country.As a result, understanding the precise policy of hammers and carrots and the preventive measures of enemies can help countries act more vigilantly against threats and prevent security crises. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_227097.html The Barelvi movement is one of the most important moderate and approximate movements active in South Asia and other regions of the Islamic world, which has attracted a significant population of Muslims. As an ideological and religious actor, this movement has been able to be effective in producing approximate thought between Shiites and Sunnis in many regions and in the growth and expansion of Sufi culture, and has developed the space for religious interactions with the least sensitivity in the regions. Accordingly, in this article, by recognizing the capacities, possibilities, and strengths of the current movement, some of the potential strategic levels of intercultural interactions of the cultural diplomacy apparatus with the Barelvi movement are discussed. In this research, the meta-swat model is used. The capacities are precisely identified and areas of interaction are suggested. The data collection model is based on library studies and also holding an elite panel to explain the strategic levels of this movement. The method of this research is descriptive and analytical, and the results of this research show that there are important untapped capacities in the direction of intercultural interactions between Iran and the Barilvi movement in the form of public and cultural diplomacy. The purpose of compiling this article is, in the first step, to develop and increase up-to-date knowledge and awareness on the subject of the current and also practical capabilities in the form of presenting operational and exploitable strategies and solutions. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_221588.html AbstractThe present research which in terms of typology or the kind of research, is included in the category of basic-applied research. In fact, this work targets the "foundation of the science of law" and in this regard, it raises doubts on persistent legal thought of our country as” thesis” or “exsistence” and seeks to present an “anti-thesis” or” counter-exsistence” for arriving to a” synthesis” or “combinisation” being able to realizing, in practice, a basic change in the foundation of the science of law.Discussing the relationship between law and the state into the concept taken namely the government or the three powers of legislature, judiciary and executive, it raises the issue of methodology and methods. We believe that the systemic examination of phenomena includes the discovery of facts that have been neglected or marginalized for any reason. Therefore, in this study, in the light of the "system theory of hierarchy", we seek to find the relationship between the two major branches of the science 0f law. In this regard, we apply the comparative research method focusing on the position and role of the state in relation to them. Finally - and among others - we will reveal the different and overlooked but inevitable achievement of the relationship between law and power. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_227623.html China's approach in announcing a global security initiative represents another manifestation of a departure from its previous tradition of taking a low profile position in international affairs for this emerging superpower. This article seeks to analyze the motivations behind China's more active engagement in global security issues, considering the escalating tensions between China and the United States on the world stage. The main question of the article is how to explain China's motivations in proposing the Global Security Initiative, considering the context of escalating tensions between the United States and China. The hypothesis tested through descriptive and explanatory methods is that China's concern over heightened tensions with the United States has driven it to propose a broad and interpretable security initiative. This initiative aims to promote its preferred security approach and address security threats, particularly from the United States, while seeking to alter the existing Western-centric security order. The findings of the article indicate that China's entry into the sensitive domain of security issues both reflects the high level of perceived threats by Beijing and serves as a sign of the Chinese leadership's increased readiness and confidence to pursue its security objectives more actively on the international stage. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_230329.html With the emergence and expansion of China's strategic influence in West Asia and the changing balance of political and economic power in the region, the need to review the cooperation patterns of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates with Beijing has become prominent. This study, using a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the dimensions and contexts of the formation of new power arrangements and evaluates China's role in creating opportunities and, at the same time, the challenges facing trilateral cooperation between these three key actors. The central question is how Beijing's influence and policies affect the formation and expansion of cooperation capacities as well as the obstacles on this path. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that China's increasing role in the economic, infrastructural, and technological fields, in addition to providing a platform for convergence, is simultaneously faced with the continuation of geopolitical competition and pressure from trans-regional powers, which prevents the full exploitation of cooperation capacities. The findings suggest that China has established its position as a balancing actor by deepening economic relations, investing in energy, technology, and infrastructure, and exploiting regional gaps and rivalries. In this context, Iran has benefited from the opportunity to reduce sanctions pressure and strengthen strategic depth, while Saudi Arabia and the UAE have gained more maneuverability by diversifying their foreign policy and accessing capital and technology. Overlapping interests, geopolitical rivalries, and external pressures remain important obstacles to deepening cooperation. Overall, the dynamics and complexity of power interactions in West Asia have become increasingly intertwined and dependent on China’s role and structural changes in the international system. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_229191.html Public diplomacy in the contemporary era functions as a complementary tool to official diplomacy, playing a vital role in shaping public opinion and influencing international relations. Relations between Iran and the European Union have in recent decades been marked by persistent political tensions, economic sanctions, and negative media portrayals. The central research question of this study is to what extent non-state actors can contribute to improving interactions and reducing mutual misperceptions between Iran and Europe. The hypothesis argues that the purposeful engagement of non-state actors—including NGOs, think tanks, universities, media outlets, chambers of commerce, and the Iranian diaspora—can enhance Iran’s soft power, open alternative channels of communication, and help reframe existing discourses, thereby fostering more constructive engagement. The theoretical framework draws on the concepts of soft power, neo-functionalism, and network theory, all of which emphasize the transnational and network-based role of non-state actors in international politics. The findings indicate that the use of public diplomacy and modern communication tools, particularly digital diplomacy, academic and cultural exchanges, joint research projects, and transnational dialogue networks, can significantly improve Iran’s image within European public opinion. Moreover, the experiences of countries such as China and Turkey in leveraging public diplomacy highlight that sustained investment in this domain can generate tangible and lasting outcomes in foreign relations. Accordingly, strengthening the role of non-state actors should not merely be seen as a complement to official diplomacy but as a strategic pathway toward reshaping and enhancing relations between Iran and the European Unio http://www.sjcds.ir/article_241109.html Afghanistan is one of the most complex and exceptional countries in the world. For decades, it has faced persistent instability and political crises. Following the events of September 11 and the intervention of the international community—particularly the United States—it was widely anticipated that the process of nation-state building in Afghanistan would succeed. However, despite extensive international efforts over the past two decades, the collapse of the republican system demonstrated the failure of this process. The primary question of this study is why nation-state building in Afghanistan did not materialize and what factors hindered its development. The objective of this research is to examine the major challenges that have acted as obstacles to the nation-state building process in post-2001 Afghanistan. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings reveal that Afghan society, shaped by a tribal political culture and religiously duty-oriented beliefs, has consistently impeded the nation-state building process. In addition, ethnic politics, the absence of a cohesive national identity, power monopolization, and administrative corruption have been among the most significant factors contributing to instability and the failure of nation-state building in the country. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_241107.html redefining cultural interactions and the global exchange of urban values. Despite this potential, most studies on smart cities have concentrated on technological and managerial dimensions, leaving the cultural and diplomatic aspects largely overlooked. Addressing this gap, the present study analyzes how the metaverse and digital urbanism can enhance cultural diplomacy in contemporary cities. A mixed-method approach was applied. In the qualitative phase, semi-structured interviews with experts were conducted to identify the main conceptual categories. In the quantitative phase, data were collected from 384 participants through a structured questionnaire and analyzed using structural equation modeling. The findings reveal that the metaverse fosters intercultural interactions and shared cultural experiences, while institutional and policy capacity exerts the strongest direct effect on cultural diplomacy. Overall, the study concludes that the metaverse is not merely a technological tool but becomes an effective medium for cultural diplomacy when integrated with urban identity and institutional governance. It is recommended that urban policymakers promote digital cultural content and design metaverse-based cultural events to strengthen urban cultural diplomacy. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_241111.html The expansion of artificial intelligence (AI) has brought about a fundamental transformation in the nature of contemporary conflicts and security threats, extending the battlefield from purely military and physical domains into the realms of cognition, perception, and public opinion. In this context, cognitive warfare has emerged as one of the most significant manifestations of this transformation, providing a platform for the systematic use of AI capabilities to influence mental processes, decision-making, and collective behavior. The strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States represents a prominent example of this trend, in which AI functions not merely as a technological instrument but as a critical factor in redefining threats and reshaping security balances. This study aims to explain the role of artificial intelligence in cognitive warfare by examining the Sino–American competition in this domain. It argues that AI-enabled cognitive applications, through processes of securitization, are increasingly framed as security threats and thereby exert a tangible impact on the pattern of threat balancing between the two states. Methodologically, the research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach and relies on the analysis of secondary data, including official documents, strategic reports, and credible sources related to the cognitive and technological policies of China and the United States. The findings indicate that both countries seek to employ artificial intelligence in cognitive warfare to shape threat perceptions in line with their respective security interests, although their strategies, priorities, and normative frameworks differ significantly. The article concludes that any attempt to understand Sino–American competition in cognitive warfare without considering the central role of artificial intelligence and its linkage to threat balancing would offer an incomplete picture of contemporary security transformations. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_233431.html The Women’s Political Empowerment Index comprises three main dimensions: choice, agency, and participation. Women’s political empowerment is considered a crucial pillar of development and signifies increased female participation in the political sphere. Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia share certain commonalities—such as religious beliefs, social structures, and governmental laws—due to their similar cultural contexts. The central question this article addresses is: Which of these three countries exhibits a more favorable status regarding women’s political empowerment? The selected theoretical frameworks include modernization theory, human development theory, and women’s political empowerment theory. This research employs a comparative study method and utilizes statistical data. Findings indicate that Turkey holds a better position compared to Iran and Saudi Arabia. Iran, with a decline in its women’s political empowerment index compared to previous years, and Saudi Arabia, with a recent increase in this index, currently find themselves in a similar standing. Furthermore, the state of women’s political empowerment in these three countries suggests a strong correlation between the increase in this index and the process of modernization. As modernization has advanced in these nations, women’s political empowerment has correspondingly risen. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_238611.html This study investigates the functions of political satire in Iran’s digital sphere through a qualitative content analysis of satirical posts on Twitter and Telegram. In contemporary society, social media platforms have become central arenas for expressing political criticism, shaping public discourse, and navigating constraints on political expression. Political satire, as a key component of online culture, enables users to challenge authority, circumvent censorship, and articulate collective anxieties. The core question guiding this research is how users employ humorous formats to engage with salient political, economic, and social issues circulating in the public sphere.Using a qualitative research design, the study analyzes satirical messages related to three themes—negotiations with the United States, the energy imbalance crisis, and the Hijab Plan. Data were examined through thematic analysis and text-mining techniques. Findings show that users rely on metaphor, irony, exaggeration, and linguistic play to perform several functions: criticizing power structures, raising political awareness, diffusing psychological tension, and facilitating forms of soft resistance. In the political domain, users highlighted themes such as the perceived futility and symbolic nature of negotiations. In the economic dimension, satire centered on managerial inefficiency, unconventional policy responses, and the gap between official promises and lived realities. In the social sphere, recurring themes included regulatory excess, implementation contradictions, and the commodification of the hijab issue.A comparative assessment indicates that economic and social satire are generally more direct than political satire, largely because individuals’ lived experiences in these domains are more immediate. Moreover, Twitter’s character limitations encourage concise, linguistically dense humor, while Telegram affords greater space for narrative elaboration and storytelling. http://www.sjcds.ir/article_238612.html The European Union is often depicted in the international relations literature as a secular actor and a normative power, in which religion occupies a marginal place. Yet during the Ukraine crisis, many European politicians invoked Christianity, Christian civilisation, and religious values to justify their security stances, and some did so in explicitly theological terms. This article seeks to clarify this linkage and to show how religious and civilisational language is converted into security decision-making. Its central question is how France and Poland articulate their foreign and security policies through religious references. The article argues that, in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, religious references have become more salient in the foreign policies of both France and Poland; however, differences in their religion–state regimes and in their national political theologies generate two distinct patterns of action. In France, religion is recast in the idiom of European values and civilisation, whereas in Poland it is expressed more overtly through the lens of a Christian West confronting an Eastern threat. This study offers a comparative analysis of the period 2000–2025, examining party texts, speeches, and official documents in both countries for religious and civilisational references, and comparing these with their behaviour on the European Union’s core security issues. The findings show that, in both cases, such religious references simultaneously legitimise hard-line positions and strengthen scepticism about transferring defence competences to the EU level.