انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 A Strategic Model for Cyberspace Governance in Iran: Emphasizing the Sustainability of National Security and International Relations الگوی راهبردی مدیریت فضای مجازی با تأکید بر پایداری امنیت ملی و روابط بین‌المللی 1 26 253536 10.22034/sjcds.2026.575058.1119 FA مهدی حاجی احمدی دانشجوی دکتری رشته علوم ارتباطات، گروه علوم ارتباطات، دانشکده ارتباطات و رسانه، دانشگاه آزاد واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-3418-0540 نازنین ملکیان دانشیار علوم ارتباطات،گروه علوم ارتباطات، دانشکده ارتباطات و رسانه، دانشگاه آزاد واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2026 02 10 1. Introduction In the twenty-first century, cyberspace has emerged as one of the most critical arenas of national and international power. This domain simultaneously offers vast opportunities for economic, cultural, scientific, and diplomatic development while posing serious threats to national security, social cohesion, cultural identity, and political independence of nations. For the Islamic Republic of Iran, which operates in a complex geopolitical environment, faces extensive international sanctions, and is continually targeted by hybrid operations, cognitive warfare, organized cyberattacks, and foreign media-informational campaigns, strategic management of cyberspace is no longer merely a technical or cultural issue; rather, it constitutes a dual strategic imperative. First, ensuring the sustainability of national security against cyber threats, informational infiltration, and soft warfare; second, intelligently harnessing the potential of this space to enhance soft power, improve the country's global image, and advance diplomatic objectives through digital diplomacy. Despite numerous policy-making efforts in recent years, a persistent gap remains: the absence of an integrated strategic model capable of pursuing these two overarching goals in a synergistic manner. Many prior approaches have been either excessively security-oriented and restrictive or entirely open and inattentive to hybrid threats. The present study aims to address this theoretical and practical lacuna by developing an indigenous, multidimensional model for cyberspace governance in Iran that establishes a dynamic balance between security imperatives and opportunity creation. 2. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework of this study conceptualizes cyberspace as a multidimensional arena for redefining power, identity, security, and international interactions. Accordingly, an integrated framework is developed based on three complementary theoretical pillars: Cyber Governance Theory, Securitization Theory, and Soft Power and Digital Diplomacy Theory. Cyber Governance Theory provides the structural and institutional perspective, emphasizing the need to strengthen domestic infrastructures, establish integrated governance structures, enhance media literacy and cognitive resilience, and participate strategically in global cyber governance (Alkan, 2012; Fischerkeller et al., 2022). Securitization Theory explains how cyberspace is constructed as a security issue through threat-oriented discourse and how excessive securitization may lead to restrictive policies, international isolation, and weakened soft power (Buzan, Wæver & de Wilde, 1998; Betz, 2017; Lehto, 2022). Finally, Soft Power and Digital Diplomacy Theory highlights cyberspace as an arena for attraction, cultural influence, international image-building, diplomatic interaction, and trust-building (Nye, 2004; Bjola & Holmes, 2015; Maurer, 2020). Together, these dimensions provide the theoretical basis for simultaneously strengthening national security and sustainable international relations. 3. Methodology This applied research employed a mixed-methods sequential exploratory design (qualitative followed by quantitative). In the qualitative phase, data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 15 senior managers and policymakers from the fields of national security, information technology, media, and international relations. Additionally, Delphi sessions and focused group discussions (FGD) were conducted with 15 other experts and specialists. Qualitative data were analyzed using thematic content analysis and systematic coding (open, axial, and selective). In the quantitative phase, the classic SWOT framework was utilized to identify and categorize internal factors (strengths and weaknesses) and external factors (opportunities and threats). Subsequently, the strategies derived from the qualitative phase were prioritized using the Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix (QSPM) based on attractiveness scores. Instrument validity was confirmed through expert content evaluation, and reliability was established via Cronbach's alpha (≥ 0.7). 4. Results & Discussion Internal environmental analysis revealed that Iran's cyberspace governance possesses notable strengths: highly skilled and experienced human resources in cybersecurity, relatively resilient security infrastructure, active monitoring systems, secure data centers, and proven success in managing and containing domestic cyber crises. Nevertheless, deep structural weaknesses limit the full exploitation of these strengths: a historically negative and predominantly threat-centric perception of cyberspace, the absence of a unified management structure and weak inter-institutional coordination, legal gaps and fragmented policymaking, heavy dependence on foreign technology and software, and—most critically—significant deficiencies in public digital and media literacy as well as a shortage of attractive, competitive, nationally identity-based content. Externally, substantial opportunities were identified: prospects for expanding international and regional cooperation in cybersecurity, rapid growth of the digital economy and online services, advancement of e-government, high domestic innovation capacity and knowledge-based enterprises, and the potential to leverage emerging technologies (particularly artificial intelligence) in cybersecurity. In contrast, external threats were assessed as highly serious: organized cyberattacks by state and non-state actors, digital espionage and sabotage operations, extensive information warfare, infiltration and incitement via social networks, and the spillover of geopolitical and political tensions into the cyber domain. The results of the Internal Factors Evaluation (IFE = 3.91) and External Factors Evaluation (EFE = 3.55) matrices indicate that the overall factor scores exceed the average (2.5), signifying that strengths and opportunities collectively outweigh weaknesses and threats, thereby creating favorable conditions for adopting development-oriented and offensive strategies rather than purely defensive ones. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions Based on the prioritization conducted via the QSPM matrix, the strategies with the highest attractiveness scores were determined as follows: 1. Maximizing the utilization of existing specialized human capital for dual purposes: widespread education in digital literacy and cybersecurity across societal levels and managerial cadres, and fostering educational, research, and experiential exchange collaborations with aligned countries and international organizations. 2. Transforming successful experiences in managing domestic cyber crises into a driving force for indigenous technology development and gradual reduction of dependence on foreign suppliers. 3. Systematically enhancing awareness, security skills, and digital literacy among users, organizations, and policymakers. 4. Strengthening predictive, preventive, and rapid-response capabilities against external cyberattacks by leveraging existing specialized expertise. 5. Improving macro-level crisis management to mitigate the adverse impacts of political and geopolitical tensions on cybersecurity and national social stability. The proposed model rests on three synergistic pillars: 1. Technical pillar: secure infrastructure, indigenous technology, advanced warning and monitoring systems; 2. Cognitive pillar: high media and digital literacy, societal cognitive resilience against soft warfare and misinformation; 3. Cultural-diplomatic pillar: production of attractive and credible content rooted in national-Islamic identity, proactive digital diplomacy, and intelligent participation in global internet governance discourses. پژوهش حاضر با هدف تدوین الگوی راهبردی مدیریت فضای مجازی در ایران با تأکید بر پایداری امنیت ملی و روابط بین‌الملل انجام شد. با وجود پژوهش‌های پراکنده، تاکنون الگویی یکپارچه که تعامل هم‌افزای این دو حوزه را تبیین کند، ارائه نشده است. این پژوهش با روش ترکیبی (اکتشافی متوالی) انجام شد. در بخش کیفی، داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه با ۲۳ مدیر و سیاست‌گذار و جلسات FGD با ۱۵ خبره جمع‌آوری و با تحلیل محتوای موضوعی پردازش شد و ۶۰ کد کلیدی در قالب نقاط قوت (۶)، ضعف (۱۱)، فرصت (۷) و تهدید (۹) دسته‌بندی گردید. در بخش کمی، از ماتریس‌های IFE، EFE و QSPM برای اولویت‌بندی راهبردها استفاده شد. یافته‌ها نشان داد که نمره عوامل داخلی (۹۶/۱) و خارجی (۷۲/۱) پایین‌تر از میانگین است و موقعیت ایران را در منطقه تدافعی (WT) نشان می‌دهد که بیانگر چربش ضعف‌های ساختاری (نبود رگولاتور مستقل، فقدان قانون جامع، رویکرد واکنشی و بی‌اعتمادی) بر پتانسیل‌های فنی است. بر اساس اولویت‌بندی QSPM، راهبردهای تدافعی WT2 با نمره ۲۵/۴ و WT1 با نمره ۱۷/۴ در صدر قرار دارند که نشان‌دهنده ضرورت تمرکز بر اصلاحات درون‌سیستمی (جرم‌زدایی، بازسازی سرمایه اجتماعی، تدوین قانون جامع و شفاف‌سازی رگولاتوری) پیش از هرگونه اقدام توسعه‌ای است. الگوی نهایی، مبتنی بر پنج بُعد کلیدی (امنیتی- پدافندی، نهادی- حقوقی، اجتماعی- فرهنگی، بین‌المللی- دیپلماتیک و فنی- زیرساختی) طراحی شده و نوآوری آن در ارائه الگویی بومی با قابلیت پیاده‌سازی در شرایط خاص ایران، اولویت‌بندی کمی راهبردها و شناسایی سه الگوی روابط متقابل (تقابلی، هم‌افزا و شرطی) میان امنیت ملی و روابط بین‌الملل است. مدیریت راهبردی فضای مجازی در ایران در گرو عبور از پارادایم صرفاً امنیتی- محدودکننده به‌سوی حکمرانی هوشمند، مشارکتی و مبتنی بر اعتماد است که با اصلاحات ساختاری، بازسازی سرمایه اجتماعی و دیپلماسی فعال، به پایداری امنیت ملی، بهبود تصویر بین‌المللی و ارتقای جایگاه ایران در نظام حکمرانی جهانی اینترنت می‌انجامد.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253536_4f970823fbfa11b7565e69e79f221e04.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Impact of Great Power Geopolitical Rivalries on the Effectiveness of the UN Security Council in Counterterrorism: A Case Study of Afghanistan (2001-2021) تأثیر رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های بزرگ بر کارآمدی شورای امنیت در مبارزه با تروریسم؛ مطالعه موردی افغانستان (۲۰۰۱-۲۰۲۱) 27 44 253537 10.22034/sjcds.2026.577616.1123 FA فریده محمدعلی‌پور گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران، 0000-0003-3918-4997 علیرضا نبوی گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-5980-5482 Journal Article 2026 02 23 1. Introduction The United Nations Security Council, as the principal organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security, has remained continuously engaged with Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001. The adoption of Resolution 1373 (2001), followed by subsequent resolutions addressing international terrorism, sanctions, and the security situation in Afghanistan, established an extensive institutional framework for counterterrorism. Nevertheless, the continued presence of terrorist groups, the persistence of political and military instability, and the deterioration of the security situation by 2021 reveal a significant gap between the Council’s institutional engagement and its concrete outcomes. This study asks: How did geopolitical rivalries among the major powers affect the effectiveness of the UN Security Council in combating terrorism in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021? It hypothesizes that great-power geopolitical rivalries reduced the Council’s effectiveness through their effects on three interconnected levels: decision-making, operational implementation, and institutional structure. The study addresses a gap in the existing literature by examining the mechanisms through which geopolitical competition was translated into institutional and operational ineffectiveness, based on the Council’s official resolutions and meeting records. 2. Theoretical Framework The study employs Henry Kissinger’s concept of “managerial realism” as its analytical framework. From this perspective, international institutions are not autonomous and neutral actors but arenas in which major powers negotiate, compete, and manage their national interests. Their effectiveness therefore depends substantially on the ability of major powers to manage their strategic rivalry and maintain a workable balance of power. When such rivalry cannot be effectively managed through diplomacy, international institutions may become arenas of conflict rather than mechanisms for collective problem-solving. Accordingly, Security Council effectiveness is assessed through three dimensions: the capacity to adopt clear and enforceable decisions, the effective implementation of those decisions, and the preservation of institutional impartiality, legitimacy, and coordination capacity. 3. Methodology This qualitative and functional study employs directed qualitative content analysis. The units of analysis consist of Security Council resolutions, official meeting records, and reports of the Secretary-General and sanctions-monitoring mechanisms concerning Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. Five strategically significant resolutions—1373, 1386, 1822, 1988, and 2593—and three key meeting records were purposively selected because they represent major turning points in the Council’s approach to Afghanistan. The analysis applies theoretically derived categories including selective legitimation, structured ambiguity, institutionalized rivalry, and structural deadlock. 4. Results & Discussion The findings confirm the hypothesis and reveal a progressive decline in Security Council effectiveness across three periods. During 2001–2008, US predominance shaped the Council’s response through selective legitimation and structured ambiguity. Resolution 1373 provided broad legal authorization for counterterrorism measures, while Resolution 1386 reflected a compromise between the US security-oriented approach and the sovereignty-centered concerns of Russia and China. Although this compromise facilitated consensus, ambiguity concerning the scope and geographical limits of the ISAF mandate contributed to divergent interpretations and operational difficulties. Resolution 1822 marked a transition toward institutionalized competition within monitoring mechanisms. During 2009–2015, geopolitical rivalry became increasingly embedded in the Council’s institutional and monitoring mechanisms. Resolution 1988 and the creation of a separate Taliban sanctions regime illustrate how competition moved from the broader Council chamber into specialized sanctions committees. Divergent interpretations of sanctions criteria, competing priorities, and disagreements over implementation weakened both operational effectiveness and institutional impartiality. The Council increasingly relied on ambiguous formulations that preserved formal consensus but limited its capacity to formulate and implement a coherent strategy. The final period, 2016–2021, represents the culmination of this process in structural deadlock. The debate surrounding Resolution 2593 demonstrated profound divergence among the major powers regarding engagement with the Taliban, human rights, sovereignty, and the future political order of Afghanistan. The Council remained unable to translate its decisions into effective mechanisms of implementation. The failure to prevent the continued financing and arming of the Taliban, the persistence of terrorist networks, and the worsening security situation exposed the widening gap between Council decisions and realities on the ground. Overall, the three periods demonstrate a clear trajectory from gradual decline, through intensified institutional rivalry, to structural deadlock. The study identifies a chain of mechanisms—selective legitimation, structured ambiguity, institutionalized rivalry, and structural deadlock—through which geopolitical competition progressively undermined decision-making, implementation, and institutional legitimacy. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The study concludes that the effectiveness of the Security Council in Afghanistan was not an independent institutional variable but was strongly conditioned by the capacity of major powers to manage their geopolitical rivalry. The Afghan case supports Kissinger’s proposition that unmanaged great-power competition can transform international institutions from mechanisms of collective security into arenas of strategic contestation. The findings also suggest that institutional reform alone is unlikely to resolve such problems unless accompanied by mechanisms capable of managing major-power rivalry. Strengthening smaller-group multilateral cooperation among states with shared interests and political will may provide a complementary mechanism for reducing the adverse effects of great-power competition on collective security. شورای امنیت به‌عنوان رکن اصلی حفظ صلح و امنیت بین‌المللی پس از سقوط طالبان در سال ۲۰۰۱، افغانستان را به‌طور مستمر در دستور کار خود قرار داده است. با این حال، کارآمدی شورا در میدان‌های عینی همواره تحت تأثیر رقابت‌ها و تعارض منافع اعضای دائم قرار داشته است. افغانستان از ۲۰۰۱ تا ۲۰۲۱، عرصه‌ای برای تجلی این رقابت‌ها بوده است. پرسش اصلی این است که چگونه رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های بزرگ بر کارآمدی شورای امنیت در مبارزه با تروریسم در افغانستان در ۲۰۰۱-۲۰۲۱ تأثیر گذاشته‌اند؟ پژوهش حاضر در چارچوب «واقع‌گرایی مدیریتی» کیسینجر با تحلیل محتوای قطعنامه‌های اصلی و صورت‌جلسات مرتبط شورای امنیت، این فرضیه را به آزمون می‌گذارد که رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های بزرگ با تأثیرگذاری در سه سطح تصمیم‌سازی، عملیاتی و ساختاری بر کارآمدی شورای امنیت در مبارزه با تروریسم در افغانستان از ۲۰۰۱-۲۰۲۱ موجب کاهش آن شده‌اند. نتایج تحقیق با تأیید فرضیه نشان می‌دهند که رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیک قدرت‌های بزرگ از طرق مشروعیت‌بخشی گزینشی، ابهام‌سازی ساختاریافته و گرفتار شدن در بن‌بست ساختاری کارآمدی موجب شدند در سطح تصمیم‌سازی، امنیت‌محوری قدرت‌ها به صدور قطعنامه‌های فاقد ضمانت اجرای مؤثر منجر شود؛ در سطح عملیاتی، شکاف عمیق میان مصوبات شورا و واقعیت‌های میدانی، اجرای تصمیمات آن را با چالش مواجه کند و در سطح ساختاری، نقش شورا به‌عنوان نهاد ناظر بی‌طرف به چالش کشیده شود. این یافته‌ها از یک‌سو، بازتولید روابط قدرت در نهادهای بین‌المللی را تأیید می‌کند و از سوی دیگر، خطرات ناشی از ناکارآمدی نهادهای چندجانبه در مدیریت بحران‌های پیچیده امنیتی را آشکار می‌سازند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253537_958b747bb45a64a093a0eedf418fc0fa.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Iran–Saudi Arabia Rapprochement: A Neoclassical Realist Analysis تبیین همگرایی ایران و عربستان از منظر رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک 45 62 253538 10.22034/sjcds.2026.583380.1136 FA ایوب منتی استادیار مطالعات منطقه ای گروه حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه ایلام، ایلام، ایران. 0009-0005-2798-4614 Journal Article 2026 03 25 1. Introduction The relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as two influential regional powers, has long been characterized by a pattern of divergence and intense geopolitical and ideological rivalry. However, the March 2023 agreement to restore diplomatic relations, brokered by China, marked a striking and unexpected turning point, signaling a shift from decades of confrontation towards dialogue and rapprochement. This fundamental transformation has created a significant "strategic puzzle" in regional politics that demands a scientific and systematic explanation. This study, with the primary objective of explaining the theoretical framework governing the process of Iran-Saudi rapprochement in 2023, employs the theoretical framework of Neoclassical Realism. The main research question is: what theoretical model explains this sudden convergence, and how did systemic and intervening variables influence its formation? 2. Theoretical Framework The analytical framework of this research is the theory of Neoclassical Realism. While accepting the core realist principle regarding the importance of the inherent instability of the international system and the role of power, this theory, unlike Structural Realism, posits that the influence of structure on state action is indirect. In other words, Neoclassical Realism, positioning itself between the two poles of "domestic factors" and "structural constraints," argues that the stimuli of the international system (independent variables) are filtered through intervening variables at the unit level (such as the perceptions, calculations, and strategic preferences of leaders, as well as internal obstacles to resource mobilization) and are ultimately transformed into a specific form of foreign policy (dependent variable). This theory is suitable for analyzing Iran-Saudi convergence because it allows for the simultaneous examination of external pressures (such as shifts in global and regional power balances) and the conscious choices of the two countries' leaders. 3. Methodology This research employs a descriptive-analytical method with a qualitative approach. Data collection was conducted through documentary and library research, gathering necessary data by studying official documents of both countries (statements, leaders' speeches), credible expert analyses, scientific sources (books and articles), and international databases. For data analysis, qualitative content analysis was used within the conceptual framework of Neoclassical Realism theory. 4. Results & Discussion The Iran-Saudi rapprochement in 2023 can be understood through Neoclassical Realism as the result of systemic pressures filtered through elite perceptions. At the systemic level, structural changes drove this shift. The rise of China as a powerful economic-diplomatic actor, alongside America's relative disengagement from the Persian Gulf, created a strategic alternative for both nations. Regionally, two factors created pressure: the costly stalemate in Yemen and accelerating Arab-Israel normalization (Abraham Accords), which raised concerns in both Tehran and Riyadh about exclusion from emerging security arrangements. This environment rendered the status quo unsustainable. However, systemic pressures alone were insufficient. Intervening variables at the unit level—leadership perception and calculation—proved decisive. In Tehran, pragmatists prioritized escaping sanction-induced isolation, viewing detente as a pathway to economic relief. In Riyadh, Mohammed bin Salman recognized that Vision 2030's success required regional stability, making continued confrontation counterproductive. Both leaderships concluded that cooperation offered positive-sum outcomes. China's mediation served as an external catalyst, providing trust-building mechanisms and linking reconciliation to economic cooperation incentives. Thus, the 2023 rapprochement represents the intersection of inevitable systemic constraints with conscious elite choice—transforming pressures not merely into threats, but opportunities for strategic redefinition. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions This study concludes that the Iran-Saudi convergence in 2023 can be convincingly explained within the framework of Neoclassical Realism theory. This event was not a random change, but a calculated strategic response by both governments to the transformation in the structural environment (international and regional) and the redefinition of national interests in light of these developments. Increasing systemic constraints (the cost of rivalry, shifts in global power) on one hand, and emerging opportunities (the rise of China) on the other, provided the necessary groundwork. However, the ultimate determining factor was the perception and will of the leaders of both countries to move beyond the discourse of confrontation and accept the logic of cooperation in line with long-term developmental and security goals. China's role as an external catalyst also accelerated and operationalized this process. Although the stability and continuity of this rapprochement depend on future developments in these same variables, this agreement shows that the logic of cooperation alongside the logic of rivalry can find a place in the complex equations of the Middle East. روابط ایران و عربستان سعودی به‌عنوان دو قدرت تأثیرگذار منطقه‌ای، همواره شاهد دوره‌هایی از تقابل و همکاری بوده است. در سال ۲۰۲۳، با میانجی‌گری چین، دور جدیدی از همگرایی و تنش‌زدایی بین دو کشور آغاز شد که نقطه عطفی در مناسبات منطقه‌ای محسوب می‌شود. لذا این پژوهش به‌دنبال پاسخ‌گویی به این پرسش است که این همگرایی در سال ۲۰۲۳ تابع چه الگوی نظری بوده است؟ می‌توان گفت که این همگرایی در چارچوب نظریه رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک، حاصل تعامل متغیرهای سیستمیک و متغیرهای مداخله‌گر بوده است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که از سویی، تحولات ساختاری مانند شکل‌گیری بلوک منطقه‌ای جدید و ضرورت‌های اقتصادی، و از سوی دیگر، تغییر در ادراک رهبران دو کشور نسبت به منافع ملی، زمینه‌ساز این همگرایی شده و نقش چین به‌عنوان میانجی و ارائه‌دهنده الگویی مبتنی بر همکاری اقتصادی به جای رقابت امنیتی غرب‌محور نیز به عنوان تسهیل‌کننده این فرآیند شناسایی شده است. این پژوهش با روش تبیینی- تحلیلی و با استفاده از تحلیل محتوای اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای صورت گرفته است.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253538_331ada1611ce9303405e03a105c5baee.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 Analyzing the challenges of the islamic republic of iran’s regional policy from the perspective of “Idea politics” تحلیل چالش‌های منطقه‌گرایی جمهوری اسلامی ایران از منظر «سیاستِ آرمان» 63 80 253539 10.22034/sjcds.2026.583354.1135 FA فاطمه دانشور محمدزاده گان دانش آموخته دکتری،علوم سیاسی(مسایل ایران)، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی،مشهد،ایران. 0000-0002-6276-9160 رضا عابدی گناباد گروه حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد نیشابور، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نیشابور، ایران. 0009-0002-9763-3674 Journal Article 2026 04 30 1. Introduction in the literature of international relations, in recent decades, increasing attention has been focused on the role of ideas, norms and identity in foreign policy of countries and the area of regionalism .but so far the research did not provide a framework for analyzing the challenges of regionalism in islamic republic of iran. This lack highlights the need for research that can formulate Iran's regional policy in the form of a new concept called “idea politics” and analyze its challenges systematically. If we define the politics of geography or geopolitics as the study of power and competition between powers based on the possibilities that geography provides to actors, then “idea politics” can be defined as the study of power seeking or competition between powers based on the possibilities of ideology. The Islamic Republic has the necessary facilities to promote and support its ideology at the regional level. However, the regional policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a concrete manifestation of the , idea politics faces challenges in practice. The ultimate goal of the research is to provide a coherent analysis of these challenges and the position of the idea politics in the regional policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran; an analysis that can pave the way for a discussion on possible strategies for reinterpreting and redefining this policy in the changing regional and international environment. 2. Theoretical Framework Classical analyses in international relations, which focus on the centrality of hard power, material interests, and geopolitical equations, are incapable of analyzing the actions of an actor like Iran, which considers itself to have a "normative mission" and a "distinctive ideological identity." The concept of ideal politics has a clear overlap with the normative power literature, suggesting that some actors seek to influence and shape their environment through the promotion of values, identities, and norms. But unlike classical idealism, it does not necessarily mean ignoring the realities of power, but rather a prioritization of the logic of ideas within the framework of power action. From this perspective, the regionalism of the Islamic Republic of Iran should be seen as an attempt to redefine the regional order based on the specific ideals of the Islamic Revolution, rather than simply a response to security threats. Its central components include: defining the self and the other based on values, promoting a discourse of resistance and solidarity, and critiquing liberal-Western hegemony in the region. Based on the theoretical framework of the idea politics, the challenges of the regionalism policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be analyzed as points of friction between the logic of ideas and the structural realities of the regional and trans-regional environment. 3. Methodology Despite the explanatory approach of some works in examining the obstacles and challenges of regionalism in the Islamic Republic of Iran, this research was conducted using an analytical-interpretive method and focusing on the concept of “idea politics. 4. Results & Discussion The regionalism of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be considered a clear example of the politics of the ideal, which is based on a combination of normative, identity, and strategic components. That is, ideological-revolutionary identity, norm-setting action in the regional environment, and confrontation with the dominant international order. Of course, this faces regional and trans-regional challenges. At the regional level, the confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia should be understood as a “normative competition” that goes “idea politics” beyond a traditional competition for power or influence, and is rooted in the conflict between two models of legitimization and identity formation. Turkish neo-Ottomanism can be considered an “identity-oriented and civilizational project” that has a different understanding of Islam, one that is pro-market, pro-Western, and pro-human rights, and that seeks to overshadow Iran’s normative influence. And the Zionist regime is the most obvious example of the “existential confrontation” with the “idea politics” of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The transregional challenges facing Iran’s regionalism from the perspective of “idea politics” represent a multi-layered siege. The liberal-democratic discourse seeks the universalism of the Western model in contrast to Iran’s alternative worldview. And the Iranophobic and Shiaphobic discourses seek to transform the Iranian project into an existential security threat in the narrative of rivals. Several solutions can be considered for these challenges: first, redefining the “idea politics” from the ideological to the normative-discursive level, second, separating idealism from sectarian confrontation, and third, institutionalizing the “idea politics”in the form of multilateral cooperation. These strategies can increase the cost of action against Iran for rivals. This solution manages the inherent tension between ideals and reality not by abandoning the ideal, but by making its implementation more intelligent. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The findings of this study show that the challenges of the regionalism of the Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be explained simply by referring to geopolitical considerations or the competition of regional powers. The main innovation of this article is that it analyzes Iran’s regionalism not simply as a security act or reaction, but as an active attempt to redefine the foundations of legitimacy, identity, and order in the West Asian region. “idea politics” in the Islamic Republic of Iran operates in the midst of a complex field of regional and trans-regional challenges. These challenges are not a sign of the ineffectiveness of the idea politics, but rather the consequence of the entry of an alternative discourse into the field of competition between dominant orders. The response to these challenges is not to adjust the idea politics, but to make the strategies smarter. Therefore, confronting these challenges requires adopting intelligent, active, and multi-level strategies. In order for the idea politics to become an effective and attractive model of activism in the regional order. These strategies include: redefining the idea politics from the ideological level to the normative-discursive level, separating idealism from sectarian confrontation, and institutionalizing the idea politics in the form of multilateral cooperation. If the idea politics can transition to the stage of providing an operational and institutional model for the regional order, it will be able to reduce the severity of the challenges while maintaining its identity-building foundations and playing a decisive role in shaping the future normative political geography of West Asia. جمهوری اسلامی ایران پس از پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی، سیاست منطقه‌گرایی خود را بر بنیانی متمایز از الگوهای مسلط سیاست خارجی در نظام بین‌الملل استوار کرده است؛ بنیانی که بیش از آن‌که مبتنی بر محاسبات صرف مادی و ژئوپلتیکی باشد، ریشه در مؤلفه‌های هنجاری، هویتی و آرمان‌گرایانه انقلاب اسلامی دارد. چنین رویکردی همواره با مجموعه‌ای از چالش‌های ساختاری و گفتمانی مواجه بوده که امکان تحقق کامل اهداف آن را با محدودیت همراه ساخته‌اند. هدف این نوشتار، تحلیل نظری چالش‌های سیاست منطقه‌گرایی جمهوری اسلامی ایران از منظر سیاستِ آرمان است. بر این اساس، پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که: «چالش‌های سیاست منطقه‌گرایی جمهوری اسلامی ایران چگونه و در چه سطوحی، سیاستِ آرمان این کشور را در معرض تقابل و محدودیت قرار می‌دهند؟». در پاسخ، ضمن مفهوم‌پردازی سیاستِ آرمان به‌مثابه الگویی ایده‌محور در سیاست خارجی، چالش‌های پیش‌روی سیاست منطقه‌گرایی ایران در دو سطح منطقه‌ای و فرامنطقه‌ای مورد تحلیل قرار می‌گیرند. این پژوهش با روش تحلیلی-تفسیری و با استفاده از روش کتابخانه‌ای و منابع برخط انجام شده است؛ لذا، در سطح منطقه‌ای، گفتمان اسلام‌گرایی عربستان سعودی با قرائت سلفی، نوعثمانی‌گرایی ترکیه به‌عنوان پروژه‌ای هویتی- تاریخی، و تقابل وجودی رژیم صهیونیستی با جمهوری اسلامی ایران، به‌مثابه کانون‌های اصلی تعارض با سیاستِ آرمان ایران بررسی می‌شوند. در سطح فرامنطقه‌ای نیز نفوذ گفتمان لیبرال‌ دموکراسی غربی، در کنار سازوکارهای ایران‌هراسی و شیعه‌هراسی، به‌عنوان ابزارهای گفتمانی مهار و تحدید نقش هنجاری ایران در منطقه تحلیل می‌گردند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253539_856520db87d69b92497e7545e8af9d74.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 Analysis of The Exceptional Structure of Decision-Making in Foreign Policy and Its Consequences on The Governance of Diplomacy تحلیل ساختار استثنایی تصمیم‌گیری در سیاست خارجی و پیامدهای آن بر حکمرانی دیپلماسی 81 96 253540 10.22034/sjcds.2026.581948.1129 FA محمدقاسم تنگستانی گروه حقوق بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 05 18 1. Introduction The principle of the rule of law, as one of the fundamental pillars of public law, requires that all acts of sovereignty, including decisions related to foreign policy, be carried out within the framework of predetermined legal rules and defined supervisory mechanisms. However, the security, contingency, and expediency-oriented characteristics of foreign policy provide the basis for the formation of a realm of exceptions that can limit the scope of application of this principle. 2. Theoretical Framework The present article examines the boundaries of the rule of law in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by focusing on the framework stipulated in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and analyzing the position of effective institutions in decision-making related to foreign policy, especially the Supreme National Security Council. 3. Methodology Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the theoretical literature on the state of exception in public law, the research shows that the exception in the decision-making structure of Iran's foreign policy is reproduced not in the form of a complete suspension of the law, but through the concentration of competencies, limitation of the scope of judicial oversight, and strengthening of the logic of public interest. 4. Results & Discussion The findings indicate that this structure, while increasing the capacity for responsiveness in sensitive international situations, can have consequences for transparency, institutional accountability, and the balance of power in the governance of diplomacy. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The article suggests that a more precise explanation of the limits of the competence of decision-making institutions and a rethinking of the oversight mechanisms can lead to the simultaneous strengthening of the effectiveness of foreign policy and the coherence of the rule of law principle. مقاله حاضر نسبت میان وضعیت استثنایی و تصمیم‌گیری سیاست خارجی در حقوق اساسی ایران را بررسی می‌کند. مسئله اصلی مقاله آن است که استثناء در سیاست خارجی را نمی‌توان با وضعیت اضطراری موضوع اصل ۷۹ قانون اساسی یکی گرفت. اصل ۷۹ به سنت وضعیت اضطراری حقوقی تعلق دارد که در آن، قانون اساسی از پیش، مرجع تصمیم، شرایط اعمال محدودیت، مدت زمان و نقش مجلس را تعیین می‌کند. اما استثنای مورد بحث در این مقاله در سطح حکمرانی امنیتی- دیپلماتیک رخ می‌دهد. مقاله حاضر با روش تحلیل حقوقی- نهادی و با بهره‌گیری از ادبیات وضعیت استثنایی و امنیتی‌ نشان می‌دهد که استثناء در سیاست خارجی ایران از طریق پنج سازوکار امنیتی‌شدن موضوع، تمرکز صلاحیت در نهادهای راهبردی، محرمانگی تصمیم، محدودیت یا تغییر شکل نظارت عادی، و عادی‌سازی پسینی تصمیم در قالب‌های حقوقی و نهادی عمل می‌کند. بر این اساس، شورای عالی امنیت ملی نهادی بیرون از قانون اساسی نیست؛ بلکه، کانون تمرکز تصمیم در وضعیت‌های امنیتی‌شده تحلیل می‌شود. مطالعه موردی تصمیم‌گیری هسته‌ای و برجام نیز نشان می‌دهد که سیاست خارجی در شرایط حساس، از مسیر اداری و دیپلماتیک عادی فاصله می‌گیرد؛ اما، برای اعتبار و دوام خود ناگزیر به بازگشت به صورت‌های حقوقی و نهادی است. یافته مقاله پیش‌رو آن است که مفهوم استثنای حکمرانی مقید می‌تواند الگویی دقیق‌تر برای درک هم‌زمان کارآمدی امنیتی و محدودیت حقوقی در سیاست خارجی ایران فراهم کند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253540_5275302f588ff5f0df78f5f16999f432.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Geopolitical Perspective of West Asia Post-October 7: The Horn and Northeast African Coasts as Israel’s Strategic Leverage for Regional Security Architecture چشم‌انداز ژئوپلیتیک غرب‌آسیا پس ‌از جنگ 12 روزه؛ سواحل شرقی آفریقا ابزار استراتژیک اسرائیل برای معماری امنیتی منطقه 97 118 253541 10.22034/sjcds.2026.582870.1131 FA نجمیه پوراسمعیلی استادیار، گروه مطالعات سیاسی، مرکز مطالعات آفریقا، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-7211-0274 Journal Article 2026 05 23 1. Introduction The West Asia and North Africa region has experienced highly significant developments following October 7, particularly the 12-day and 40-day wars. It appears that the trajectory of developments after these events will continue, and further developments, such as the expansion of the Abraham Accords, should also be expected. The fundamental question that this article seeks to answer is: What impact have the aggregate of developments that have occurred, and those currently unfolding in the post–October 7 period, had on geopolitics, power equations, and order in the West Asia region? 2. Theoretical Framework This study employs the Regional Security Complex Theory as its main explanatory paradigm for examining the structural transformations in the West Asian regional system. According to Barry Buzan’s approach, regional systems are defined not as static subsystems, but as dynamic complexes of amity and enmity relationships, whose boundaries are drawn on the basis of the intensity of security interactions. Alongside the aforementioned systemic approach, this article utilizes the “conceptual innovation” of the blocking actor to explain Israel’s asymmetric agency. This concept, formulated in conjunction with the propositions of “offensive realism” and the strategy of “denial” (preventing an enemy’s access or agency within a specific geographical space), emphasizes the transition from agency based on traditional balancing toward a radical monopoly in defining the rules of the regional order. Accordingly, Israel’s military movements in the peripheral maritime expanses (the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa) and its efforts to deprive rivals of their capacity for agency are interpreted not as tactical reactions, but rather as a form of “structural deterrence.” The ultimate goal of this deterrence is to block the field of independent action for other regional actors and to redefine the hierarchy of power within the new security architecture of West Asia 3. Methodology This study is a strategic analysis employing a descriptive–analytical approach and utilizing a process-tracing model to examine the structural transformations in the West Asian regional system and its linkage with the security subsystems of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa, and East Africa following October 7. 4. Results & Discussion In response to the research question, the hypothesis examined is, first, that recent developments—by undermining the West Asia and North Africa regional system as an independent regional system—have turned it into a regional system dependent on the United States as an extra-regional power, which in itself entails serious consequences for the member states of the West Asia and North Africa regional system. Second, Israel’s maritime-strategic expansion into the Red Sea and Horn of Africa subsystems has taken place in order to control the security of the West Asia and North Africa region from Israel’s side, and this expansion will intensify further in the future. Third, the consequence of this expansion is the transformation of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea periphery into a contested region among regional powers (regional actors), namely Turkey, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article demonstrated that the developments following October 7—and especially Israel’s 12-day war against Iran—have led to a significant reconfiguration of security dynamics in West Asia and North Africa. The research findings indicate that these developments have, first, diminished the level of autonomy of the West Asia and North Africa regional security complex, and, by increasing direct U.S. intervention and support for Israel, have intensified the penetration of extra-regional power into this security complex. From this perspective, the regional security order has become, more than ever, exposed to the outward projection of Washington’s and its allies’ security preferences and considerations, and a part of its indigenous self-regulatory capacity has been weakened. Second, the article demonstrated that, following these developments, the pattern of Israel’s presence in the peripheral environment of the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa has been redefined. Although Israel had previously maintained a security and intelligence presence on some coasts, ports, and islands of this area, this presence has acquired a different function after the 12-day war—evolving from a complementary presence into a more significant component of its compensatory strategy for creating maritime strategic depth, enhancing situational awareness, and reducing vulnerability to pressure from Iran and actors aligned with it. In this sense, for Israel the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa are not merely a geographical periphery, but are gradually becoming one of the arenas intertwined with threat management within the West Asia and North Africa security complex. Third, the findings corroborate that the intensification of this trend turns the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea littoral, more than ever, into an arena of competition among regional and extra-regional actors. The expansion of Israel’s presence in this expanse, alongside the presence and interests of other actors such as Iran, Turkey, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia, as well as the interventions of great powers, can lead to the intensification of geopolitical competition, an increased risk of conflict spillover, and a strengthening of the security interconnectedness among West Asia, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa. Accordingly, this area is no longer merely a peripheral appendage, but is becoming one of the focal points influencing the region’s broader security equations. Based on these findings, the article’s initial hypotheses are also confirmed: first, the diminished autonomy of the regional security complex and its increased dependence on U.S. intervention; second, Israel’s maritime-strategic expansion into the sub-complexes of the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa; and third, the transformation of this area into an arena of competition and contestation among multiple actors. In this way, the article argues that the developments following October 7 and the 12-day war have led not only to a change in the balance of power, but also to a redefinition of the security interlinkages between the peripheral sub-complexes and the core of West Asia and North Africa 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The article shows that, under conditions of intensified extra-regional intervention and the heightened salience of threats emanating from peripheral sub-regions, an expanded reading of Regional Security Complex Theory can better explain the process of declining regional autonomy, the reconfiguration of peripheral security linkages, and the increasing prominence of actors with structural blocking capacity. From this perspective, the present study argues that recent developments do not merely represent a shift in the intensity of competition, but rather indicate a form of spatial-strategic recomposition in regional security, through which the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa are becoming more deeply embedded in the security calculations of West Asia and North Africa. At the research level, this finding also opens the way for future studies on the mechanisms of extra-regional influence, the function of blocking actors, and the security linkages among West Asia, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa. منطقه غرب آسیا و شمال آفریقا پس‌از 7 اکتبر و به‌ویژه جنگ 12 و 40 روزه تحولات بسیار مهمی را تجربه کرده است. به نظر می‌رسد روند تحولات پس از این وقایع همچنان ادامه داشته باشد و باید منتظر تحولاتی مانند گسترش پیمان‌های ابراهیم نیز بود. سؤال اساسی که این مقاله در پی پاسخ به آن است، این است که مجموع تحولات رخ داده و تحولات در حال وقوع پسا 7 اکتبر، چه تأثیری بر ژئوپلیتیک، معادلات قدرت و نظم در منطقه غرب آسیا داشته است؟ در پاسخ به این سؤال فرضیه‌ای که مورد بررسی قرار می‌گیرد این است که اولاً تحولات اخیر با مخدوش کردن نظام منطقه‌ای غرب آسیا و شمال آفریقا به‌عنوان یک نظام منطقه‌ای مستقل، آن را به یک نظام منطقه‌ای وابسته به ایالات متحده به‌عنوان یک قدرت فرامنطقه‌ای کرده که خود پیامدهای جدی برای دولت‌های عضو نظام منطقه‌ای غرب آسیا و شمال آفریقا در پی دارد. ثانیاً گسترش دریایی- استراتژیک اسرائیل به زیرمجموعه‌های دریای سرخ و شاخ آفریقا جهت کنترل امنیت منطقه غرب آسیا و شمال آفریقا از سوی اسرائیل اتفاق افتاده است که در آینده بیشتر نیز خواهد شد. ثالثاً پیامد این گسترش تبدیل شاخ آفریقا و حاشیه دریای سرخ به یک منطقه مورد مناقشه میان قدرت‌های منطقه‌ای (بازیگران منطقه‌ای) یعنی ترکیه، اسرائیل، امارات متحده عربی، عربستان سعودی و جمهوری اسلامی ایران است.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253541_15413bfa0f7fd9c5fd11f06a1efee770.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 Religion, National Reconciliatio and the Regional Agency of the Islamic Republic of Iran: An Explanation Based on Bourdieu's Field Theory مذهب، وفاق ملی و کنشگری منطقه‌ای جمهوری اسلامی ایران: تبیینی بر پایه نظریه میدان بوردیو 119 136 253542 10.22034/sjcds.2026.562817.1103 FA مهدی فاتحی نیا دانشکده علوم ریاضی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران. Journal Article 2025 11 28 1. Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran is a political system whose identity and legitimacy are substantially grounded in the doctrines of political Shiism. This religious dimension has played an important role in shaping both the domestic political order and Iran’s foreign and regional policies. Following the emergence of the concept of “national reconciliation” as a central theme of the Fourteenth Administration under President Masoud Pezeshkian, examining the relationship between the religious dimensions of national reconciliation and the regional policy of the Islamic Republic has acquired particular significance. This study seeks to answer the following question: How do the religious components of national reconciliation and the regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran affect one another? The central hypothesis is that any interpretation of the religious dimensions of national reconciliation, through changes in the configuration of social, religious, and symbolic capital, affects Iran’s capacity for regional and international agency. Conversely, the outcomes and costs of regional and international policies influence domestic legitimacy, social trust, and the reproduction or erosion of national reconciliation. The study employs a descriptive-analytical approach and draws primarily on Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, particularly the concepts of field, capital, and habitus, to establish an integrated framework for analyzing the interaction between religion, national reconciliation, and regional policy. Rather than treating domestic politics, regional politics, and international relations as separate spheres, the study conceptualizes the agency of the Islamic Republic as operating through three interconnected fields: the domestic, regional, and international fields. Each field possesses its own actors, rules, forms of capital, and relations of power, while changes in one field can lead to the redistribution and transformation of capital in the others 2. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework demonstrates that social, religious, and symbolic capital constitute critical resources in the domestic field. Religious communities, collective rituals, networks of trust, shared Shiite identity, and religious institutions can generate social capital and contribute to political legitimacy and social cohesion. Religious narratives and symbols—including the concepts of Karbala, martyrdom, justice, resistance, and the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih—can also function as symbolic capital when they are socially recognized as legitimate sources of authority and collective meaning. From a Bourdieusian perspective, these forms of capital are not static resources; they can be converted into one another and mobilized by political actors in struggles over legitimacy, identity, and the definition of national interests. The study further argues that national reconciliation in the Iranian context cannot be reduced to political agreement or institutional cooperation. It involves competing interpretations of the relationship between religion, citizenship, political participation, law, and foreign policy. Within the revolutionary-Islamic habitus, national reconciliation is primarily associated with religious identity, Islamic solidarity, independence, resistance to domination, and opposition to imperialism. In contrast, the reformist habitus places greater emphasis on pluralism, equal citizenship, civil rights, rule of law, dialogue, and constructive engagement with the international system. These two habitus should not be understood merely as competing policy preferences; rather, they represent competing attempts to define legitimate political conduct, national interests, and the boundaries of consensus within the domestic field. The regional field of West Asia constitutes a second interconnected arena. It is characterized by competition among different interpretations of Islam, particularly Shiite, Salafi-Takfiri, and Muslim Brotherhood-oriented discourses, as well as competition among states, religious institutions, transnational networks, and non-state actors. Within this field, Iran seeks to convert religious and symbolic capital into political influence and strategic capacity through support for resistance movements, the Palestinian cause, and regional networks. The “Axis of Resistance” is therefore interpreted not solely as a military or security arrangement, but also as a network through which ideological, symbolic, social, and political resources can be accumulated and converted. At the same time, the study emphasizes the limits of this strategy. Regional opposition to Iranian policies, sectarian sensitivities, concerns about Iranian intervention, and the costs associated with regional competition can constrain the conversion of religious capital into sustainable political influence. The international field constitutes the third arena, in which Iran interacts and competes with the United States, European powers, Russia, China, Israel, and the existing international order. International sanctions, geopolitical pressures, diplomatic negotiations, and external efforts to constrain Iran can affect the domestic distribution of social and symbolic capital. The JCPOA and its fate illustrates this reciprocal relationship: while part of Iranian society interpreted nuclear diplomacy as evidence of constructive international engagement and an opportunity for economic improvement, another part viewed it through the lenses of strategic independence and resistance to great-power influence. 3. Methodology The study employs a descriptive-analytical approach and draws primarily on Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, particularly the concepts of field, capital, and habitus, to establish an integrated framework for analyzing the interaction between religion, national reconciliation, and regional policy. 4. Results & Discussion The findings indicate that the relationship between religion, national reconciliation, and Iran’s regional policy is neither linear nor one-directional. Religious capital may be converted into social and symbolic capital, thereby strengthening domestic cohesion and enhancing Iran’s regional soft power and capacity for collective action. However, when political polarization, declining public trust, economic pressures, or the perceived costs of regional policies weaken social capital, the symbolic legitimacy of the political system may also be affected, reducing the domestic support available for foreign policy. Regional policy can therefore simultaneously serve as a source of symbolic legitimacy and become a source of domestic contestation over the meaning and priorities of national interests. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The study concludes that the sustainability of Iran’s regional agency depends not only on material capabilities and geopolitical calculations but also on the continuous reproduction of social legitimacy, religious capital, symbolic capital, and domestic consensus. From a Bourdieusian perspective, effective regional agency requires maintaining a balance among religious legitimacy, social cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and strategic capacity. The study also concludes that the six conceptualizations of national reconciliation building, dissolution of conflicting identities, peaceful coexistence, individual moral transformation, rule of law and human rights, and community-building—generate different relationships between religion and foreign policy. Among these, the community-building conception is particularly compatible with field theory because it emphasizes networks of trust, participation, interdependence, and the continuous reproduction of social and symbolic capital. Accordingly, national reconciliation should not be understood as the elimination of political and religious differences, but as the institutional and social capacity to manage differences while preserving sufficient common ground for collective action. جمهوری‌اسلامی ایران نظام سیاسی‌ است که بخش قابل توجهی از مبانی هویتی و مشروعیت آن بر آموزه‌های تشیع سیاسی استوار است و این مؤلفه در شکل‌دهی به کنش‌گری داخلی و خارجی آن نقش مهمی ایفا می‌کند. با توجه به طرح مفهوم «وفاق ملی» در دولت چهاردهم، بررسی نسبت میان مؤلفه‌های مذهبی وفاق ملی و سیاست منطقه‌ای جمهوری اسلامی ایران اهمیت ویژه‌ای دارد. پژوهش حاضر در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که مؤلفه‌های مذهبی وفاق ملی و سیاست‌های منطقه‌ای جمهوری اسلامی ایران چگونه بر یکدیگر اثر می‌گذارند؟ فرضیه پژوهش این است که منطقه غرب آسیا میدان رقابت نگرش‌های متفاوت از اسلام، اعم از اسلام شیعی، سلفی- تکفیری و اخوانی است و به‌صورت همزمان مناقشه فلسطین نیز متأثر از باورهای دینی است؛ لذا هرگونه تفسیر از مؤلفه‌های مذهبی وفاق ملی بر روی سیاست منطقه‌ای جمهوری اسلامی تأثیرگذار است. برای پاسخ به پرسش مطرح شده از روش ترکیبی توصیفی- تحلیلی و رویکرد روش‌شناختی پیربوردیو در خصوص سرمایه اجتماعی بهره برده‌ایم. میدان کنش‌گری جمهوری اسلامی متشکل از سه میدان درهم تنیده: داخلی، منطقه‌ای، بین‌المللی است. قرائت‌های انقلابی یا اصلاح‌طلبی از وفاق ملی، ترکیب سرمایه‌های اجتماعی و نمادین کنشگران میدان داخلی را تحت تأثیر قرار داده و موجب جهت‌گیری رویکرد و رفتار آنان خواهد شد. این تغییر رفتار بر کنش‌گری ایران در میدان منطقه‌ای، محل تقابل گفتمان‌های مذهبی، و میدان بین‌المللی، صحنه مواجهه گفتمان انقلاب اسلامی با نظام سلطه و لیبرالیسم جهانی، سایه می‌افکند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253542_979af913670e31f93377ce1fa492ff75.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Palestinian Issue through the Lens of Ayatollah Khamenei’s Discursive Diplomacy مسأله فلسطین از منظر دیپلماسی گفتمانی آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای 137 154 253543 10.22034/sjcds.2026.570990.1112 FA محمد مجاهدزاده دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی/ دانشگاه یاسوج مجتبی شریعتی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه یاسوج 0000-0002-0673-0990 علی باقری دولت آبادی استاد تمام گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل/ دانشگاه یاسوج رضا رضایی دانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی/ دانشگاه یاسوج Journal Article 2026 01 06 1. Introduction The Palestine issue has remained one of the enduring concerns in Middle Eastern politics and the discourse of the Islamic world. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Palestine has occupied a prominent position in the country’s official discourse and foreign-policy concerns. This position is reflected in the statements of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in which the Palestine issue has been addressed through descriptions of the situation of Palestinians, criticism of occupation and compromise, calls for support and resistance, and expressions of sympathy with the Palestinian people. Accordingly, examining the speech acts employed in these statements can provide insight into how the Palestine issue is communicatively and purposively formulated for audiences. The present study therefore seeks to identify and analyze the pattern and functions of speech acts in Khamenei’s statements concerning Palestine. The study focuses on two questions: What is the distribution of the five speech-act categories in the corpus, and what are the dominant illocutionary functions of these acts in the context of the Palestine issue? The study does not claim to measure the actual effects of these statements on public opinion, governmental behavior, foreign policy, or national interests; rather, it focuses on the linguistic data and their communicative functions. 2. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework of the study is based primarily on Speech Act Theory developed by John Austin and further systematized by John Searle. Austin distinguished among locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary acts, emphasizing that language is not merely a means of describing reality but also a means of performing actions. The present study concentrates on the illocutionary dimension because the principal analytical concern is the communicative intention performed through linguistic utterances. Searle’s five-part classification provides the main analytical framework: assertives, directives, commissives, declarations, and expressives. Assertives commit the speaker to the truth of the expressed proposition and are used to describe, explain, or evaluate states of affairs. Directives seek to influence the hearer’s behavior by requesting, urging, advising, commanding, or inviting action. Commissives commit the speaker to a future course of action. Declarations bring about institutional or social changes through an utterance when the speaker possesses the required authority and contextual conditions. Expressives communicate psychological states, emotions, attitudes, and evaluations. In applying this framework, speech acts were not identified merely through lexical or verbal forms. Context, communicative intention, direction of fit, propositional content, speaker-hearer relations, and felicity conditions were considered. Since some utterances may simultaneously perform more than one function, the study identifies a single dominant speech act for each sentence in order to avoid double counting. 3. Methodology The research adopts an exploratory, descriptive-analytical design. The corpus consists of all statements concerning the Palestine issue published on the official website Khamenei.ir from June 4, 1989, to the end of 2023. The corpus covers a 35-year period and includes 6,704 pages and 1,034 textual links, comprising 11,333 sentences related to Palestine. Data were collected through a census approach, and the sentence was defined as the linguistic unit of analysis, while the dominant speech act was treated as the functional unit of analysis. Each sentence was classified according to Searle’s five categories. Initial coding was conducted by the researchers, after which the coded propositions were reviewed by four university experts in political science, sociology, philosophy, and linguistics. Overlapping cases were reconsidered in terms of their dominant illocutionary purpose and contextual conditions, and a final single category was assigned to each sentence. Thus, the sum of the five categories corresponds exactly to the total of 11,333 sentences. Content validity was examined through expert review and comparison with Searle’s theoretical criteria. However, no independent statistical coefficient of inter-coder agreement was calculated; consequently, the quantitative findings should be interpreted within the framework of the coding and content-validation procedures employed. 4. Results & Discussion The findings indicate a clear predominance of assertive speech acts. Of the 11,333 sentences, 7,208 (63.60%) were classified as assertives, 2,364 (20.86%) as directives, 1,625 (14.34%) as expressives, 132 (1.16%) as commissives, and 4 (0.04%) as declarations. The dominance of assertives indicates that the principal communicative function of the corpus is the description, explanation, interpretation, and evaluation of the Palestine issue. These acts formulate representations of occupation, Palestinian victimhood, the role of political actors, and the nature of the Israeli regime. In a number of cases, assertive utterances also contain evaluative and emotional elements, demonstrating that the boundaries between speech-act functions may be pragmatically overlapping even though only one dominant act was coded. Directives constitute the second most frequent category, accounting for 20.86% of the corpus. Their frequency demonstrates a substantial action-oriented dimension in the discourse. Calls for supporting Palestinians and resistance, opposing compromise, preventing assistance to Israel, and encouraging Muslim governments and peoples to respond to developments in Palestine illustrate how descriptions and evaluations of the situation are frequently accompanied by calls for action. Thus, the discourse can be understood as establishing a relationship between representing a particular state of affairs and directing audiences toward a desired response. Expressives, with 14.34%, occupy the third position. They include expressions of sympathy, grief, hope, admiration, anger, and negative evaluation. Through these acts, Palestinians and resistance are positively evaluated, while Israel is frequently associated with negative moral and emotional evaluations. Expressives therefore contribute to the affective dimension of the discourse and help communicate the speaker’s attitudes toward the represented events and actors. Nevertheless, their frequency alone cannot establish emotional influence on audiences. Commissives account for only 1.16% of the corpus. Their examples include commitments to maintaining support for Palestine and resistance and statements concerning future courses of action. Declarations are the least frequent category, with only 4 instances (0.04%). This low frequency is consistent with Searle’s definition of declarations, which require specific institutional authority and contextual conditions. Importantly, the low frequency of commissives and declarations cannot be interpreted as evidence of reduced political commitment or foreign-policy flexibility, because speech-act categories describe the illocutionary function of individual utterances rather than macro-level political commitments. The contextual analysis also suggests variation in the communicative functions of speech acts across different periods. Early statements, such as those from 1989, include commissive formulations emphasizing opposition to relations with Israel and support for Palestine. In middle periods, including 1992 and 2020, directives become prominent through calls for action, criticism of compromise, and support for Palestinians. In more recent statements, particularly those from 2023, assertive and directive acts are accompanied by expressions of sympathy for the people of Gaza, condemnation of violence, and calls for assistance to resistance. These differences should be understood as contextual variations in communicative situations rather than as statistical evidence of a longitudinal change in the overall distribution of speech acts. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions Overall, the findings demonstrate that the speech-act structure of Khamenei’s statements on Palestine is characterized primarily by the interaction of assertion, direction, and expression. Assertives constitute the dominant mechanism for describing and evaluating the Palestine issue; directives transform these representations into calls for reaction, support, and resistance; and expressives provide an affective and evaluative dimension by emphasizing suffering, hope, admiration, and condemnation. Commissives and declarations occur considerably less frequently and perform more limited, context-dependent functions. The significance of the findings therefore lies not merely in the frequency of categories but in the relationship between speech-act type, communicative context, and illocutionary function. At the same time, the findings should not be interpreted as direct evidence of actual effects on public opinion, foreign policy, national interests, or audience behavior, as such claims require independent empirical evidence and complementary research methods. Future studies may complement the present linguistic analysis with audience-oriented research to examine the reception and possible effects of speech acts on public discourse and public attitudes. Comparative research could also examine the speech-act patterns of Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei or compare the Palestine discourse of different political leaders across historical periods. In addition, longitudinal studies based on independently coded annual datasets and formal inter-coder reliability measures could provide a more precise assessment of changes in speech-act distribution over time. Finally, integrating Speech Act Theory with Critical Discourse Analysis could contribute to a deeper understanding of the relationship among linguistic choices, ideological representation, social cognition, and political discourse. پژوهش حاضر با هدف شناسایی و تحلیل الگوی کنش‌های گفتاری شهید آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای در بازنمایی مسئله فلسطین انجام شده است. پژوهش شامل مجموعه سخنان مرتبط با مسئله فلسطین در پایگاه اطلاع‌رسانی «خامنه‌ای دات. آی. آر» از ۱۴ خرداد ۱۳۶۸ تا پایان ۱۴۰۲ است. داده‌ها به روش تمام‌شمار گردآوری و «جمله» به‌عنوان واحد تحلیل در نظر گرفته شد. برای هر جمله، بر اساس ملاک‌های منظوری نظریه سرل و با توجه به بافت، قصد ارتباطی، جهت انطباق و شرایط تحقق کنش، یک کنش گفتاری غالب تعیین شد؛ در موارد همپوشانی نیز کنش غالب با نظر خبرگان مشخص گردید. از مجموع ۱۱۳۳۳ جمله، 7208 جمله (63/60 درصد) اظهاری، 2364 جمله (86/20 درصد) مربوط به کنش ترغیبی، 1625 جمله (34/14 درصد) کنش عاطفی، 132 جمله (16/1 درصد) کنش تعهدی و 4 جمله (04/0 درصد) مربوط به کنش اعلامی شناسایی شد. غلبه کنش‌های اظهاری نشان می‌دهد بخش اصلی سخنان مورد بررسی به بیان، تبیین و ارزیابی وضعیت فلسطین اختصاص دارد و فراوانی کنش‌های ترغیبی نشان‌دهنده حضور پررنگ دعوت به اقدام در کنار این تبیین‌هاست. کنش‌های عاطفی نیز در ارزش‌گذاری مثبت نسبت به فلسطینیان و مقاومت و ارزش‌گذاری منفی نسبت به اسرائیل نقش دارند. این یافته‌ها درباره ساختار کنش‌های گفتاری مجموعه سخنان آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای در خصوص مسئله فلسطین است و به‌تنهایی برای اثبات تأثیر واقعی بر افکار عمومی، تغییر سیاست خارجی یا منافع ملی کفایت نمی‌کند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253543_037f8d7d63a78121a94396415f504c81.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Role of Electricity in Technological Governance during the Fourth Industrial Revolution: The UAE as a Leading Model in the Persian Gulf نقش انرژی برق بر حکمرانی فناورانه در عصر انقلاب صنعتی چهارم (مطالعه موردی: امارات متحده عربی، مدلی پیشرو در منطقه خلیج فارس) 155 170 253544 10.22034/sjcds.2026.584345.1138 FA بهادر زارعی گروه جغرافیای سیاسی،دانشکده جغرافیا،دانشگاه تهران،ایران 0000-0003-3343-6225 مسعود بختی گروه جغرافیای سیاسی،دانشکده جغرافیا،دانشگاه تهران،ایران 0009-0003-3559-550X محمدرضا وفائی گروه جغرافیای سیاسی،دانشکده جغرافیا،دانشگاه تهران،ایران 0009-0004-5435-053X Journal Article 2026 05 31 1. Introduction The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) has fundamentally redefined the role of electricity, transitioning it from a conventional infrastructure input to a pivotal strategic variable in technological governance. The rapid proliferation of AI, 5G, and smart cities necessitates a paradigm shift in energy policy. This study focuses on the UAE, a pioneer in the Persian Gulf, to examine how a reliable clean energy mix and integrated policymaking create a technological competitive advantage. The primary objective is to elucidate the nexus between electricity production structures and the pillars of governance, including energy security and computational capacity. 2. Theoretical Framework The research is grounded in the concept of “Technological Governance,” where state power is increasingly derived from digital sovereignty and AI-driven economies. The framework integrates Energy Transition Theory with Industrial Policy, arguing that in the 4IR era, the reliability and “cleanliness” of the power grid serve as the bedrock for hosting massive computational workloads. This synergy forms a feedback loop where energy enables AI, and AI, in turn, optimizes energy systems through grid digitalization. 3. Methodology This study employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, utilizing documentary analysis of high-level strategic reports and international datasets spanning 2020 to 2025. By analyzing the UAE’s energy diversification and its correlation with digital infrastructure indices, the research identifies a scalable policy model for the broader region. 4. Results & Discussion Findings indicate that the UAE’s strategic shift maintaining natural gas as a baseload while aggressively integrating nuclear and solar capacities has significantly enhanced grid reliability. Key projects, such as the Hatta pumped-storage facility, provide the necessary stability for energy-intensive AI clusters. The results demonstrate that the UAE has successfully synchronized its “industrial-energy” policy with its “digital-AI” strategy. This dual-track approach not only meets surging demand but also improves system efficiency through smart grid implementations. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The study concludes that “affordable, clean, and reliable electricity” is now the primary determinant for the localization of global computational clusters. The UAE serves as a successful model of how synchronized infrastructure can facilitate a total technological transition. It is suggested that regional policymakers adopt an integrated governance framework that aligns electricity supply with industrial and digital ambitions to ensure competitiveness in the 4IR landscape. انقلاب صنعتی چهارم با شتاب‌دهی به هوش مصنوعی، اینترنت اشیا، 5G، خودروهای برقی و شهرهای هوشمند، نقش برق را از نهاده‌ای زیرساختی به متغیری راهبردی در حکمرانی فناورانه ارتقاء داده است. این مقاله با تمرکز بر امارات متحده عربی به‌عنوان مطالعه موردی پیشرو در خلیج فارس، می‌کوشد نشان دهد چگونه ترکیب بهینه سبد برق پاک و قابل‌اتکا، زیرساخت‌های هوشمند و سیاست‌گذاری هم‌افزا، به مزیت رقابتی فناورانه تبدیل می‌شود. هدف پژوهش، تبیین پیوند ساختار تولید برق با مؤلفه‌های کلیدی حکمرانی فناورانه (امنیت انرژی، گذار پایدار، ظرفیت محاسباتی) و استخراج الگوی سیاستی قابل اقتباس برای منطقه است. روش تحقیق توصیفی– تحلیلی است و بر تحلیل اسنادی منابع معتبر بین‌المللی و داده‌های به‌روز 2020 تا 2025 تکیه دارد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد امارات با اتکای غالب به گاز و افزودن ظرفیت معنادار هسته‌ای و خورشیدی، همراه با ارتقای چشمگیر قابلیت اتکاپذیری شبکه و توسعه ذخیره‌سازی (از جمله پروژه تلمبه‌ای حتّا)، بستر میزبانی بارهای محاسباتی و اقتصاد هوش مصنوعی را فراهم کرده است. پیوند دو سویه انرژی و هوش مصنوعی نیز هم‌زمان تقاضا را افزایش و بهره‌وری سیستم را به‌واسطه هوشمندسازی شبکه بهبود می‌دهد. نتیجه آن‌که «برق پاک ارزان قابل‌اتکا» به شاخص کلیدی جایابی خوشه‌های محاسباتی و ارتقای حکمرانی فناورانه بدل می‌شود. نوآوری مقاله در ارائه چارچوب یکپارچه‌ای است که برق، سیاست صنعتی و زیرساخت‌های دیجیتال را برای گذار فناورانه هم‌راستا می‌سازد.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253544_cbca08adb503d4cd4aab26be6d2104a6.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 Virtual and Mediated Realism: The Impact of Emerging Technologies on Cultural Diplomacy واقعیت‌انگاری مجازی و واسطه‌ای؛ تأثیر فناوری‌های نوظهور بر دیپلماسی فرهنگی 171 192 253545 10.22034/sjcds.2026.581987.1130 FA سیدحسن میرفخرائی دانشیار گروه روابط بین الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی 0000-0002-9639-1776 امیرحسین ولی پور راد دانشجوی ارشد روابط بین الملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی 0009-0000-2739-8360 Journal Article 2026 05 17 1. Introduction In recent decades, the accelerating pace of technological advancements has fundamentally transformed not only the material infrastructures of societies but also the perceptual, semantic, and communicative mechanisms that govern international interactions. Within this context, cultural diplomacy—as one of the most pivotal instruments of soft power—has been more profoundly influenced by the emergence of novel technologies than other domains. In the contemporary world, culture is no longer transmitted solely through traditional channels; rather, it is reproduced and redefined within digital platforms, interactive networks, and virtual environments. Accordingly, the emergence of technologies such as artificial intelligence, social media, robotics, and the metaverse has fostered the development of a “digital cultural ecosystem,” in which cultural experiences have evolved from indirect encounters to interactive, multisensory, and technologically mediated engagements. In this environment, the boundary between reality and representation becomes increasingly blurred, and actors’ cultural perceptions are progressively shaped by digital narratives. Against this backdrop, the central research question of the present study is: How has cultural diplomacy been affected by emerging technologies, and how can these effects be explicated across different levels of perception, meaning, and cultural action? The research hypothesis posits that emerging technologies including artificial intelligence, social media, robotics, and the metaverse—have redefined cultural diplomacy through mechanisms of technological mediation and processes of cultural semiotics. Specifically, these technologies either give rise to “virtual mediation,” grounded in constructed and digital representations, or foster “realist mediation,” which reinforces and deepens cultural experience and perception. 2. Theoretical Framework This study adopts a combined theoretical framework integrating the theory of technological mediation and cultural semiotics to analyze the role of emerging technologies in redefining cultural diplomacy. According to the theory of technological mediation, technology is not merely a tool but functions as an active mediator in shaping human experience, perception, and interaction. This approach posits that technologies intervene in social and cultural processes by reorganizing the relationships between humans, the world, and meaning. In contrast, cultural semiotics emphasizes the production, reproduction, and interpretation of meaning within cultural contexts, illustrating how signs, narratives, and representations play a central role in shaping collective identities and perceptions. The integration of these two perspectives enables a multilevel analysis of the impact of emerging technologies. At the mediational level, it examines how technologies reconstruct communication and interaction processes, while at the semiotic level, it investigates how cultural meanings and perceptions are formed, transformed, and reinterpreted within digitally mediated contexts 3. Methodology The present study is explanatory in nature and adopts a qualitative approach to conceptually and theoretically analyze the subject matter. Employing a combination of document analysis and reasoning-based inquiry, the research integrates existing theoretical literature on emerging technologies, cultural diplomacy, and semiotic studies to develop an analytical model that elucidates the influence of technology on cultural diplomacy. The unit of analysis in this study comprises emerging technologies—including artificial intelligence, social media, robotics, and the metaverse—and their impact on various dimensions of cultural diplomacy. Through comparative and conceptual analysis, the study identifies and categorizes both common and distinct patterns of technological mediation and semiotic processes associated with these technologies. Ultimately, the methodology not only yields inferential insights consistent with an explanatory approach but also contributes to the development of a novel analytical model, offering new perspectives and dimensions within the field of international relations. 4. Results & Discussion The findings of this study indicate that emerging technologies have propelled cultural diplomacy into a stage of “virtual and mediational reality construction,” wherein cultural experiences increasingly unfold within digital platforms. This transformation can be analyzed across three primary dimensions: perceptual, semantic, and behavioral. At the perceptual level, technologies shape audiences’ understanding of cultures through algorithms, visual representations, and data-driven narratives. At the semantic level, technologies actively participate in content production, leading to the redefinition of cultural concepts and symbols. At the behavioral level, patterns of cultural interaction have shifted from traditional modes to networked and interactive engagements, as systematically organized within the relevant scholarly literature. Specifically, social media has become a critical platform for narrative construction and national branding; artificial intelligence has optimized cultural diplomacy processes through data analysis and targeted content generation; robots facilitate human-like interactions, personalizing cultural experiences; and the metaverse creates immersive environments that enable lived cultural experiences. Furthermore, each technology has contributed to the development of novel analytical models within the literature: - The metaverse introduces virtual reality-mediated constructions, - Artificial intelligence exemplifies mediational reality constructions, - Social media combines both virtual and mediational reality constructions, - Robotics exemplifies mediational reality constructions. Based on these findings, the research hypothesis is confirmed: emerging technologies, from an analytical model perspective, result in either virtual reality construction, mediational reality construction, or both. From an explanatory perspective, they influence cultural diplomacy through mechanisms rooted in technological mediation and cultural semiotics, predominantly based on digitally constructed representations. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions In conclusion, cultural diplomacy in the era of emerging technologies has evolved into a complex, multilayered framework increasingly centered on the management of meaning and perception. Within this framework, the cultural power of states is more than ever dependent on their ability to intelligently leverage technology to produce effective narratives and shape global perceptions. The analytical model developed in this study demonstrates that each technology, through specific forms of mediation and semiotic processes, contributes to the redefinition of cultural diplomacy functions. This underscores the necessity for governments and related institutions to rethink their cultural diplomacy strategies. Accordingly, it is recommended that diplomatic institutions: - Develop robust digital infrastructures, - Invest in the production of intelligent cultural content, and - Train specialized human resources in emerging technologies. Such measures would ensure that foreign policy apparatuses integrate both technology experts and international relations scholars, enabling effective utilization of technological transformations in cultural diplomacy. Additionally, attention must be given to critical challenges such as information manipulation, authenticity crises, and the digital divide, which should be systematically addressed within cultural policy and strategic planning. تحولات ناشی از فناوری‌های نوظهور، به‌ویژه رسانه‌های اجتماعی، هوش مصنوعی، ربات‌ها و متاورس، الگوهای سنتی دیپلماسی فرهنگی را دگرگون ساخته و پرسش از سازوکار اثرگذاری این فناوری‌ها بر شکل‌گیری ادراک، معنا و تعاملات فرهنگی را به یکی از مسائل مهم مطالعات روابط بین‌الملل تبدیل کرده است. با وجود گسترش پژوهش‌ها درباره دیپلماسی دیجیتال و قدرت نرم، بخش عمده این مطالعات فناوری را عمدتاً به‌عنوان ابزار ارتباطی، تحلیل کرده‌اند و سازوکارهای نظری اثرگذاری آن بر دیپلماسی فرهنگی کمتر مورد توجه قرار گرفته است. پژوهش حاضر با هدف تبیین این سازوکار، بر پایه روش تحلیل مفهومی و سنتز نظری و با بهره‌گیری از منابع کتابخانه‌ای، چارچوبی تلفیقی مبتنی بر نظریه واسطه‌مندی فناوری و نشانه‌شناسی فرهنگی ارائه می‌کند. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که تأثیر فناوری‌های نوظهور بر دیپلماسی فرهنگی از طریق یک رابطه مستقیم تحقق نمی‌یابد؛ بلکه، در قالب زنجیره‌ای از روابط میانجی شامل واسطه‌مندی فناوری، تولید و بازتولید نشانه‌های فرهنگی و شکل‌گیری واقعیت‌انگاری مجازی و واسطه‌ای قابل تبیین است. در این فرایند، فناوری نه صرفاً ابزار انتقال فرهنگ، بلکه کنشگری فعال در بازپیکربندی ادراک، تولید معنا و شکل‌دهی تجربه فرهنگی مخاطبان است. بر این اساس، پژوهش حاضر با ارائه مدل تحلیلی «واقعیت‌انگاری مجازی و واسطه‌ای» نشان می‌دهد که رسانه‌های اجتماعی، هوش مصنوعی، ربات‌ها و متاورس، علی‌رغم تفاوت‌های کارکردی، از سازوکار نظری مشترکی در تأثیرگذاری بر دیپلماسی فرهنگی پیروی می‌کنند. نوآوری پژوهش در ارائه یک چارچوب نظری تلفیقی و مدلی تحلیلی است که با تبیین روابط علّی میان فناوری، واسطه‌مندی، نشانه‌سازی و ادراک فرهنگی، درک تازه‌ای از تحول دیپلماسی فرهنگی در عصر فناوری‌های نوظهور و پیامدهای آن برای قدرت نرم و رقابت‌های فرهنگی در نظام بین‌الملل ارائه می‌دهد.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253545_09464926b9e35aa6f4734398f97c4b45.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Impact of Armed Non-State Actors on the Shifting Balance of Power in the Middle East: A Comparative Study of Hamas, Popular Mobilization Forces, and Yemeni Ansarullah (2008-2024) تأثیر بازیگران غیردولتی مسلح بر تحول موازنه قدرت در خاورمیانه: مطالعه تطبیقی حماس، حشدالشعبی و انصارالله یمن (۲۰۰۸–۲۰۲۴) 193 220 253546 10.22034/sjcds.2026.590839.1149 FA سید محمد شفیعی گروه علوم‌سیاسی و روابط‌بین‌الملل، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران 0009-0005-1584-1421 پگاه‌السادات طباطباء گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل/دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد/ دانشگاه اصفهان/ اصفهان، ایران 0009-0009-1053-9652 روح‌اله منعم گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران Journal Article 2026 07 09 1. Introduction The Middle East has long been one of the most important arenas of geopolitical competition and security transformation. Strategic rivalries, prolonged conflicts, weak state institutions, foreign interventions, and the expansion of transnational networks have created a complex regional environment in which power is no longer exercised exclusively by states. The rise of armed non-state actors has challenged conventional assumptions about the relationship between state authority, military power, and regional security. Hamas, the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, and Ansarullah in Yemen represent three important cases of armed non-state actors that have developed influence beyond their immediate local environments. Hamas has affected the security calculations of Israel and regional actors through asymmetric warfare and the continuation of the Palestinian issue. The PMF has become an important component of Iraq’s security and political architecture following the rise of ISIS. Ansarullah has expanded its influence from Yemen to the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab, affecting the strategic calculations of Saudi Arabia, Israel, and external powers. The central problem of this study concerns the extent to which armed non-state actors can alter regional power relations and whether their influence can be explained solely through traditional state-centered theories. Accordingly, the study asks: Through what mechanisms, and relying on what capabilities, have armed non-state actors influenced the regional balance of power in the Middle East? The main hypothesis argues that asymmetric military capabilities, social mobilization, ideological cohesion, and external support increase the deterrence and strategic influence of armed non-state actors, enabling them to affect the distribution of regional power. 2. Theoretical Framework The main theoretical framework of the study is realism and the concept of balance of power. From this perspective, regional order is shaped by competition among actors seeking security, survival, and influence. Although classical and structural realist theories traditionally emphasize states as the primary units of analysis, the contemporary Middle Eastern security environment demonstrates that non-state actors can also affect power relations by imposing costs, creating deterrence, and altering the strategic calculations of states. To address the limitations of a purely state-centered interpretation, the study employs the patron–proxy approach as a complementary perspective. This approach explains how states support armed non-state actors through financial, military, logistical, intelligence, and political assistance in order to pursue strategic objectives indirectly. Such support may reduce the costs of direct confrontation and expand a state’s regional influence. However, the relationship between patrons and armed groups is not necessarily based on complete control, since supported actors may possess independent interests, organizational identities, and autonomous decision-making capacities. The combination of the two approaches provides a multi-level explanation of regional power transformation. Balance of power explains why states seek to prevent the dominance of rivals, while the patron–proxy approach explains how these objectives may be pursued indirectly through armed non-state actors. In this framework, the independent variables are the power-generating capacities of armed non-state actors, including asymmetric military capabilities, social mobilization, ideological cohesion, and external support. These capacities increase deterrence, which functions as the main intervening mechanism. Changes in the security calculations of regional states consequently contribute to the dependent variable: transformation of the regional balance of power. 3. Methodology This research adopts a qualitative descriptive-analytical method based on library and documentary data. The study uses a comparative case-study design to examine Hamas, the PMF, and Ansarullah during the period from 2008 to 2024. These cases were selected because they represent different organizational, political, and geographical contexts while sharing significant characteristics related to asymmetric military power, social mobilization, ideological cohesion, and external support. The analysis focuses on identifying the mechanisms through which these four capacities contribute to deterrence and strategic influence. The study evaluates the relationship between the internal and external resources of each actor and their ability to impose costs, influence state behavior, and affect regional security arrangements. The comparison also considers the limitations of these actors, including dependence on external patrons, domestic political constraints, institutional challenges, and the requirements of governance. 4. Results & Discussion The findings demonstrate that armed non-state actors have become important participants in the redistribution of power in the Middle East. Their influence is primarily produced through the interaction of four power-generating capacities. First, asymmetric military capabilities enable these actors to compensate for their numerical and technological disadvantages in relation to conventional states. Hamas has developed rocket, tunnel, drone, maritime, and combined operational capabilities that have increased the costs of Israeli military action and challenged established assumptions about deterrence. The PMF has developed substantial military capacity through its role in combating ISIS and through the expansion of its organizational and operational capabilities. Ansarullah has similarly employed missiles, drones, naval operations, and asymmetric tactics to extend its influence beyond Yemen and affect maritime security in the Red Sea. Second, social mobilization provides organizational resilience and enables these actors to reproduce their human and political resources. Hamas has relied on social and religious networks, the PMF has benefited from popular mobilization and religious legitimacy in Iraq, and Ansarullah has developed support through tribal, ideological, and local networks. These social foundations allow armed groups to maintain their activities despite military pressure and leadership losses. Third, ideological cohesion contributes to organizational continuity and strategic commitment. Ideological narratives transform military resistance into a broader political and social project. In Hamas, Palestinian nationalism and Islamic resistance reinforce organizational identity. In the PMF, religious symbolism, resistance discourse, and collective identity have supported mobilization. Ansarullah has similarly combined religious identity, political grievances, and resistance narratives to consolidate its social and organizational base. Fourth, external support has increased the material and strategic capabilities of these actors. External assistance has provided access to weapons, training, financial resources, intelligence, and political support. However, the findings also show that external sponsorship does not eliminate the agency of armed non-state actors. Each case demonstrates varying degrees of autonomy, local interests, and organizational decision-making. Comparatively, the three cases reveal that the effects of armed non-state actors differ according to their organizational structure and regional environment. Hamas has primarily influenced the security balance surrounding Israel and Palestine; the PMF has affected Iraq’s internal security architecture and regional alignments; and Ansarullah has expanded the geographical scope of conflict by affecting the Red Sea and international maritime routes. Despite these differences, all three cases indicate that armed non-state actors can alter state calculations and increase the costs of unilateral power projection. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The study concludes that armed non-state actors have moved beyond the status of local or peripheral forces and have become significant components of regional power transformation. The findings largely support the main hypothesis: asymmetric military capabilities, social mobilization, ideological cohesion, and external support collectively increase deterrence and strategic influence, thereby enabling these actors to affect the regional balance of power. Nevertheless, their influence is neither absolute nor independent of broader structural conditions. Dependence on sponsoring states, domestic political constraints, institutional weaknesses, and governance requirements limit their capacity to establish autonomous and stable regional power. The study therefore suggests that future research should move beyond state-centered models and incorporate the interaction between states, armed non-state actors, transnational networks, and external patrons.The findings also suggest that regional security policies should distinguish between the military, political, social, and ideological dimensions of armed non-state actors. Sustainable regional stability requires addressing the structural conditions that facilitate their emergence, while recognizing that military pressure alone may not eliminate their organizational and social foundations. خاورمیانه شاهد تحولاتی است که انحصار قدرت و امنیت در دست دولت‌ها را با چالش مواجه ساخته است. ظهور بازیگران غیردولتی مسلح، به‌ویژه حماس، حشدالشعبی و انصارالله یمن، به متغیری مهم در معادلات امنیتی و موازنه قدرت منطقه‌ای تبدیل شده است. پژوهش با هدف تبیین نقش این بازیگران در موازنه قدرت خاورمیانه، در پاسخ به این پرسش می‌باشد که بازیگران غیردولتی مسلح از چه طریق و با اتکا به چه ظرفیت‌هایی توانسته‌اند بر آرایش قدرت منطقه‌ای تأثیر بگذارند؟ فرضیه اصلی پژوهش آن است که برخورداری از توان نظامی نامتقارن، ظرفیت بسیج اجتماعی، انسجام ایدئولوژیک و حمایت خارجی موجب افزایش قدرت بازدارندگی و نفوذ راهبردی بازیگران غیردولتی مسلح شده است. از نظر نظری، پژوهش بر رهیافت واقع‌گرایی و نظریه موازنه قدرت به‌عنوان چارچوب اصلی و رویکرد حامی- نیابتی به‌مثابه رویکرد مکمل برای تحلیل نقش بازیگران استوار است و با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی انجام شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که تلفیق توان نظامی نامتقارن، ظرفیت بسیج اجتماعی، انسجام ایدئولوژیک و حمایت‌های خارجی، موجب افزایش قدرت بازدارندگی و ارتقای نقش راهبردی این بازیگران در محیط امنیتی خاورمیانه شده است. این روند توانایی دولت‌های رقیب در اعمال قدرت یک‌جانبه را محدود و به شکل‌گیری الگوهای جدیدی از توزیع قدرت انجامیده است. با این حال، تأثیرگذاری این بازیگران مطلق نبوده و تحت تأثیر محدودیت‌های ساختاری، وابستگی به دولت‌های حامی و الزامات سیاسی و حکمرانی قرار دارد. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که بازیگران غیردولتی مسلح از نیروهای حاشیه‌ای فراتر رفته و به مؤلفه‌ای تعیین‌کننده در بازتوزیع قدرت و تحول موازنه قوا در خاورمیانه تبدیل شده‌اند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253546_65105580c03557de86c78dbdcb0f62db.pdf

انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل با همکاری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی و گروه پژوهشی فرهنگ دیپلماسی و گفتگو دو فصلنامه مطالعات فرهنگ دیپلماسی 2980-9908 5 1 2026 08 23 The Necessities of Fundamental Review and Reform of Iran's Security Policymaking in Central Asia and the South Caucasus: Strategies and Recommendations ضرورت‌های بازبینی و اصلاح بنیادین سیاست‌گذاری امنیتی ایران در آسیای مرکزی و قفقازجنوبی: راهکارها و توصیه‌ها 221 239 253953 10.22034/sjcds.2026.563159.1126 FA امیررهام شجاعی گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران. 0009-0001-8788-2522 رضا سیمبر گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران 0000-0001-5111-1075 Journal Article 2026 05 06 1. Introduction Central Asia and the South Caucasus constitute two interconnected regional security complexes in Iran’s northern strategic environment and have long played an important role in shaping regional security arrangements affecting Iran’s national security. Their geographical proximity to Iran, historical and cultural linkages, strategic communication and transit routes, energy resources, and the presence and competition of regional and extra-regional actors have made these two regions increasingly significant for Iran’s security environment. The post-Cold War transformation of regional geopolitical and geoeconomic structures has further intensified patterns of competition, cooperation, and conflict, generating a complex set of opportunities and challenges for Iran. Despite their strategic significance, Iran’s foreign and security policymaking toward Central Asia and the South Caucasus has faced various criticisms concerning insufficient attention, reactive approaches, fragmented policymaking, and inadequate adaptation to the multidimensional nature of contemporary security threats. Accordingly, this study asks: What are the requirements for fundamental reform of Iran’s security policymaking in Central Asia and the South Caucasus, and what policy recommendations can address these requirements in light of the complex and multidimensional threats emerging from these regions? The main objective is to identify the requirements for improving Iran’s security policymaking by developing a comprehensive understanding of the multilayered threats originating from, or developing through, the two regional security complexes. 2. Theoretical Framework The study primarily draws on the theoretical foundations of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, while also benefiting from relevant insights of Neoclassical Realism and policy studies. The Copenhagen School provides a particularly useful framework because it conceptualizes security beyond the traditional military domain and emphasizes the multidimensional and interconnected character of contemporary security threats. Its regional security complex approach is also relevant to understanding the security dynamics of Central Asia and the South Caucasus as geographically proximate and interrelated environments. Accordingly, the analysis considers five major security sectors: military, political, economic, societal, and environmental. This multidimensional perspective makes it possible to examine not only military threats associated with shifts in regional power balances and the presence of external actors, but also geopolitical competition, economic and transit vulnerabilities, identity and cultural dynamics, and environmental challenges. Concepts such as securitization further contribute to understanding how particular developments and issues acquire security significance and subsequently influence policymaking. The theoretical framework therefore facilitates an integrated assessment of Iran’s security environment rather than restricting the analysis to a single dimension of threat. 3. Methodology This research employs a qualitative, analytical-explanatory methodology. Data were collected through library-based research and systematic examination of scholarly literature, books, academic publications, and relevant online sources. The collected materials were analyzed through an analytical-explanatory approach in order to identify the principal dimensions and patterns of threats confronting Iran through developments in Central Asia and the South Caucasus and to assess their implications for Iranian security policymaking. The theoretical framework provided by the Copenhagen School was used to organize and interpret the multidimensional nature of these threats, while insights from Neoclassical Realism and policy studies were employed to contextualize the relationship between external security pressures, domestic policymaking structures, and strategic responses. Rather than treating security as a narrowly military phenomenon, the research therefore adopts an integrated perspective that connects regional developments with Iran’s broader national-security interests. 4. Results & Discussion The findings indicate that Central Asia and the South Caucasus generate a complex, multidimensional, and multilayered security environment for Iran. The interaction of regional and extra-regional actors, geopolitical competition, changing power balances, economic and transit developments, identity-related dynamics, and environmental challenges has expanded the range of issues that must be incorporated into Iran’s security policymaking. Consequently, a predominantly reactive or narrowly defined approach to security is insufficient for addressing the evolving regional environment. The study identifies several major requirements for fundamental reform. First, Iranian policymaking requires a broader and multidimensional conception of security capable of integrating military, political, economic, societal, informational, and environmental considerations. Second, security interests should be more systematically connected to economic and geoeconomic interests, particularly in the areas of energy, trade, and regional transit. Third, Iran’s historical, cultural, linguistic, and civilizational linkages with the region represent potential instruments of influence that can be incorporated into a more coherent and strategically oriented policy. Fourth, security policymaking should place greater emphasis on specialized knowledge, data-based analysis, professional expertise, and anticipatory assessment rather than predominantly reactive decision-making. Finally, the findings point to the importance of defining regional policy within the framework of broader national interests and strengthening institutional coordination among relevant actors. 5. Conclusions & Suggestions The study concludes that the security dynamics of Central Asia and the South Caucasus should be considered an integral component of Iran’s broader national-security strategy rather than a peripheral dimension of foreign policy. The interconnectedness between Iran’s domestic and surrounding security environments means that geopolitical competition, identity dynamics, instability, and economic developments in these regions can have direct and indirect consequences for Iran’s border security, internal stability, and national interests. Fundamental reform therefore requires a transition from reactive to proactive and strategy-oriented policymaking, supported by institutional reform, greater interagency coordination, investment in specialized human capital, and the systematic use of knowledge and data in security decision-making. The study further suggests strengthening the linkage between security and geoeconomic interests, making targeted use of Iran’s historical and cultural capacities, adopting a broader conception of national interests, and reducing excessive ideological constraints on regional policymaking. Such reforms can provide a basis for a more coherent, integrated, long-term, and future-oriented approach to Central Asia and the South Caucasus and enhance Iran’s capacity to respond to the evolving regional security environment آسیای‌مرکزی و قفقازجنوبی به‌عنوان دو مجموعه امنیتی منطقه‌ای در محیط پیرامونیِ شمال ایران، همواره از یک نقش اساسی در شکل‌گیری ترتیبات امنیتی منطقه‌ایِ موثر بر امنیت‌ملی ایران برخوردار بوده‌اند. با این حال و به گفته بسیاری از کارشناسان و پژوهشگران، توجه در خور و مناسبی نسبت به این منطقه از سوی نخبگان ایرانی صورت نگرفته و سیاست‌گذاری امنیتی و خارجی ایران در این حوزه با چالش‌ها و موارد آسیب‌زایی مواجه بوده است. بر همین اساس پرسش اصلی مقاله این است که با توجه به تهدیدات پیچیده، چندبٌعدی و جامعی که از این دو منطقه و از سوی بازیگران گوناگون منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی متوجه ایران بوده است ضرورت‌های اصلاح بنیادین سیاست‌گذاری امنیتی ایران در آسیای مرکزی و قفقازجنوبی و راهکارها و توصیه‌های ناظر بر این مسئله مهم، شامل چه موارد و مسائلی می‌باشند؟ یافته‌های پژوهش با تأکید بر ضرورت‌های ایجاد اصلاحات بنیادین در سیاستگذاری امنیتی ایران در حوزه‌های گوناگون شناختی، هویتی، اقتصادی، دیپلماتیک، اطلاعاتی و ...، بر مواردی چون بهره‌گیری از ارزش‌های ملیِ تمدن ایرانی، پیوند دادن منافع امنیتی با منافع اقتصادی، ارزیابی تهدیدات با نگرش موسع و چندبٌعدی و سیاستگذاری در قالب منافع ملی و جدای از قید و بندهای ایدئولوژیک و...، تأکید دارند. این پژوهش کیفی بوده، داده‌ها به شیوه کتابخانه‌ای جمع‌آوری شده و به شیوه تحلیلی-تبیینی مورد بررسی و تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفته‌اند.

http://www.sjcds.ir/article_253953_80da415b670aef931aaee2347bb1900f.pdf